Age Of First Marriage Research Articles

Continuity and change in the Gwembe Tonga family and their relevance to demography's nucleation thesis

AbstractRecent criticisms of demographic theory and methodology have pointed,inter alia, to the need to take on board advances in cognate disciplines. This case study of the Gwembe Valley Tonga of Zambia highlights the important methodological contribution that social anthropology can make to the sub-discipline of family demography. It provides evidence of the empirical invalidity of the ‘family nucleation’ paradigm, which holds that a shift towards conjugal marriage and nuclear household residence patterns is an inevitable consequence of globalisation, and a precursor of the social and economic changes necessary for the fertility transition. According to nucleation theory, evidence of increased conjugality will be reflected in the reduced symbolic importance of the lineage and ancestors; greater marriage stability; the demise of polygyny and widow inheritance; reduction in the size and significance of bridewealth payments; increasing age of first marriage for women, and decreasing age differentials between spouses. The case study therefore focuses on recent changes in the matrilineal kinship system, notably the emergence of localised lineages, and the extent to which these changes reflect family nucleation (largely but not exclusively in terms of increased conjugality). By analysing household structure and marital residence patterns, including the role played by the husband/father in family affairs, nuptiality (notably bridewealth, divorce and polygyny), inheritance and the role of ancestors, the case study demonstrates that changes in the family and kinship structure in response to local social and economic transformation can be equated not with nuclearisation but with the emergence of a modified form of family and kinship, quite distinct in structure and meaning from the nuclear family.

Landlord Policies and Population Change in North-East Scotland and the Western Isles, 1755-1841

In recent years considerable emphasis has been placed upon the role of fertility in determining levels of population which, since reproduction was normally confined to those who were married, was controlled mainly by nuptuality. Over most of the world women normally married shortly after they has become sexually mature and few remained unwed. However, in Europe west of a line from St Petersburg to Trieste there was a different pattern of marriage. Here women usually married for the first time between 23 and 27 years (which meant that a woman marrying at, say, 26 years had already lost 40 per cent of her potential fertility) and 10-25 per cent never married at all. The main reason for this pattern is that couples in Western Europe were expected to marry and therefore have children only when, or if, they had acquired the means to establish their own household.2 Scotland was apparently no exception to this demographic system. Following civil registration in 1855, the mean age of first marriage for females in 1861 was 25.4 years and 20.1 per cent of women aged 45 - 54 were unmarried. It is likely that these levels, particularly of celibacy, were not very different for much of the eighteenth century, but this apparent uniformity over time conceals considerable regional variations. In the heavily industrialised and urbanised Western Lowlands (Ayr, Dumbarton, Lanark and Renfrew) the mean age of female marriage in 1861, 25.0 years, was not much below the national level but only 14.6 per cent of women were single at 45 - 54. 3 More surprisingly, there were also differences in nuptuality between predominantly agricultural regions. Although these were to some extent a consequence of cultural and social differences, a key factor in a country where nearly all farms were rented was the role of the landowners or heritors who were able to exert a powerful control over patterns of land occupation and use on their estates. Indeed it has been suggested that they saw the latter as a chess board on which families could be re-located at will in order to increase rentals.4 The form of improvement selected inevitably had repercussions on nuptuality, fertility and levels of population. Thus while the North-east (Aberdeen, Banff and Kincardineshire) grew by only 4 per cent between 1755 and 1801 as against 27 per cent for Scotland, the population of the Western Isles increased by 57 per cent. In the following 40 years there was little difference between the two - 49 per cent in the case of the North-east and 45 in that of the Western Isles - but growth in the former was confined mainly to the city of Aberdeen and the coastal parishes, particularly the fishing communities, while some of the islands continued to experience growth well above the 63 per cent for Scotland.5 How these different levels of growth were achieved can be seen by examining the experiences of the adjacent parishes of Grange and Rothiemay in Banffshire on the one hand and the island of Tiree on the other.

A Study of Some Aetiological Factors in 41 Cases Of Cancer Of The Cervix Uteri In Zaria

A prospective study of some aetiological factors in 41 patients with histologically confirmed cancer of the cervix seen in Zaria. Questionnaires were administered to all the patients seeking the following information - age, menarche, age at first marriage, whether polygamous or monogamous, parity, circumcision in husband/partner and smoking habit. Histological classification was attempted using mucin and routine stains. The age range was 27 to 72 years with an average of 49.4 years. All the women were married except for one widow, all their spouses were circumcised and there were only three smokers. Twenty four were from a polygamous home. The average age of first marriage was 14 years. They had a mean number of 7.2 children and were married for an average of 1.9 times. Our findings confirm similar observations by workers from Ibadan, Zaria, and Tanzania, but circumcision and smoking in our patients do not appear to play a similar role as in patients from developed countries. Nigerian Quarterly Journal of Hospital Medicine Vol. 9, No. 2 (June 1999) pp. 87-89

Prevalence of HIV, syphilis and genital chlamydial infection among women in north-west Ethiopia.

The prevalence of sexually transmitted diseases (STD) among women visiting antenatal (ANC) and gynaecological clinics in Gondar, north-west Ethiopia, was investigated. Between April and August 1995, 728 women consented to enter the study. Prevalence rates were 5.9% (41/693) for chlamydial antigen in cervix, 18.8% (113/600) for syphilis (Treponema pallidum haemagglutination assay [TPHA]) and 25.3% (150/593) for HIV. Active syphilis (RPR)+, TPHA+ was detected in 74% (44/597). HIV infection rate was higher among women with higher age of first marriage and low gravidity. It was significantly associated with young age, urban residence, and presence of genital ulcer (odds ratio [OR] = 6.3), and lymphadenopathy (OR = 2.8) on examination. Women seropositive for syphilis had married at an earlier age, were significantly older and had changed husbands. Low gravidity and age < 30 were independently significant risk factors for cervical chlamydial antigen positivity which was predominantly asymptomatic. Significant association was observed between HIV infection and syphilis (OR = 2.6). Active syphilis was associated with chlamydial (OR = 3.4) and HIV infection (OR = 4.1). The rate of 23.4% and 15.1% of HIV seropositivity among ANC attenders and rural women respectively is an indicator of the rapid progression of the HIV epidemic in the area.

Age at first marriage in Viet Nam: Patterns and determinants

"Using data from the 1991 Viet Nam Life History Survey, this article examines the patterns and determinants of age at first marriage. It shows that socio-economic and political changes during the last few decades are associated with a shift to older ages of first marriage. It identifies regional variations and discusses the significant impact of warfare on the country's age patterns of marriage. It concludes by bringing out the implications of the study for policy purposes." The full text is of this article is available electronically through www.undp.org/popin.

From Childbearing to Childrearing: The Link Between Declines in Fertility and Changes in the Socialization of Children

THERE IS WIDESPREAD agreement among scholars, laypersons, and policymakers that the family in Europe and North America has been experiencing fundamental changes in its makeup and functioning. Social and demographic shifts that have been occurring systematically during the post-World War 1I era demonstrate how profound these changes are. Birth rates have reached an all-time low throughout the industrialized world, with many European countries now experiencing levels of fertility that are below replacement. Fertility declines have, of course, been occurring throughout most of this century and before, so the post-baby boom readjustments to lower birth rates were not so much revolutionary as they were a continuation of a long-term trend (Teitelbaum and Winter, 1985). From a historical perspective, however, below-replacement fertility levels are an anomaly in human evolution. As Davis (1986: 48) put it, Never before in recorded history-not in the Great Depression, not in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and not in ancient times-has fertility been so low for whole societies as it is now in the industrial world. In addition, patterns of marriage formation have undergone major alterations in the past several decades, with systematic trends toward the delay in age of first marriage and the increase in cohabitation in most Western countries (e.g., Buck and Scott, 1994; Bumpass and Sweet, 1989; Kielman, 1987; Kiernan and Estaugh, 1993; Thornton and Freedman, 1982, 1983). There has also been a major increase in rates of marital dissolution through divorce. Although not everyone agrees on the causes of these patterns, many point to the women's movement, the sexual revolution, and the growing economic independence of women in modern life (e.g. Cherlin, 1992). How

In Tanzania, Women's Fertility, Ideal Family Size Both Surpass Six Births

Results of the 1991-92 Tanzanian Demographic and Health Survey revealed that 25% of women had never been married. 39% of men had never been married. 75% of women aged over 25 years and 80% of men aged over 30 years were currently married. 36-37% of women aged over 40 years were in a polygynous union; 35% of women in polygynous unions were uneducated. 50% of women were married by the age of 18 years. The median age of first marriage among women in their 20s was 19 years. Rural marriage age was 18.3 years. The median age at first marriage was 16.8 years. Fertility was 4.0 children and 3.3 live children among currently married women. Total fertility among women aged 15-49 years was 6.3 births. Births were lower in Dar es Salaam and other urban areas. 23% of currently married women desired no more children; the desire for no more children increased with the number of children. Desired number of children was 6.4. Women in Zanzibar desired 6.8 children and women on the mainland desired 5.2 to 5.4 children. Family size desired was 7.3 among those with no schooling and 6.3 among women with incomplete primary education. 75% knew of the pill and 55% knew the condom. 71% knew of a source of supply. 86% of men knew a modern method and 80% knew of a source. 26% of women had ever used a contraceptive method: 16% a modern and about 16% a traditional one. 45% of men reported ever use of contraception. 7% of currently married women and 10% of currently married men used modern methods. Current use among those with a primary education was 13-15% compared to only 4% among those without an education. About 30% of currently married women had unmet need for family planning services: 18% for spacing and 12% for limiting births. 26% of currently married nonusing women intended to use contraception. AIDS knowledge was high but misinformation was also evident. Infant mortality was 91/1000 live births and child mortality was 141/1000.

結婚タイミングの変化と変差

This paper examines changes and increasing variations in marriage timing among several contemporary birth-cohorts in Japan. Data came from research applied to samples in two cities (Tokyo and Fukushima), for those born between the years of 1914 and 1958, and conducted by the project team for Social Change and Human Development (Waseda University) in 1988 and 1989. The results are : (1) In the 1954-58 birth-cohort of both sexes, a delay and increasing variations in marriage timing were observed. (2) For both sexes with higher academic backgrounds in the 1934-38 and the 1944-48 birth-cohorts, the age of first marriage was relatively high, but most in these groups had experienced their first marriage by a given point in time. (3) For females with higher academic backgrounds born after World War II, in the case of the 1954-58 birth-cohort, a delay and increasing variations in marriage timing were observed. This seems to indicate increasing alternatives of marital behavior for the members of that group. (4) For a portion of males with lower academic backgrounds in the younger cohorts, a delay of marriage timing was observed. This trend parallels growing competitiveness in the marriage market, which acts to the disadvantage of younger people with limited resources.

Accomplishments of China's Family Planning Program: A Statement by a Chinese Official

Mme. Peng Peiyun Minister in Charge of the State Family Planning Commission of China announced survey results showing a fertility decline from 19.7/1000 population in 1991 to 18.2/1000 in 1992. She attributed the decline to effective attention to birth control by leaders at all levels of the administrative system. Other influences may have been a rise in age of marriage and child-bearing and a lower desire for children due to more rapid economic growth. Concern was raised that the survey results may not be accurate and fertility may be higher. Total population by the end of 1992 was 1171710000. Results of a survey of 385000 showed contraceptive usage at 83.4% an increase of 12.3% over the 1988 figures of 71.2%. Unplanned births were reduced and the proportion of third and fourth parity births was 9.6% or a decrease of 54.7% from the 1987 level. The proportion marrying before the age of 20 years declined to 12.9% from 23.6% in 1987. Deferred marriages increased from 29.0% in 1987 to 36.5% in 1992. The mean age of first marriage increased to 22.5 years. Provinces followed the following patterns of fertility decline: those with a good family planning (FP) program and fertility rate <1.5 (Beijing Tianjin Shanghai Liaoning Shandong and Sichuan or a population totaling 37.88% of the total mainland population; those with FP progress and a recent noticeable birth rate decline (13 provinces with a population of 52.75% of the total mainland population); and those with a poor FP program and a high birth rate (Hainan Guizhou Yunnan Tibet Qinghai Ningxia and Xinjiang with a population equal to 9.1% of the total mainland population). Leadership changes have been responsible for the effectiveness in FP. Leaders have been asked to improve their understanding of population issues to include FP within economic development plans to be responsible for problems with FP and to take achievements in FP as a measure of their success in work. The absolute number of births is still too large and 25% of the rise in national income is consumed by newborns; fertility is not stable and regional differences in fertility exist. The tasks ahead are to modernize and improve FP to maintain the 3 changes to involve the masses and to keep an open mind toward improvement in FP within the socialist market economy.

Seroepidemiological study of gonorrhoea in Ethiopian women. 2. Socioeconomic picture.

To determine aetiological factors associated with the prevalence of gonorrhoea in Ethiopian women to enable subsequent formulation of intervention policies. 1851 Ethiopian women: 50% symptomatic, 50% asymptomatic. Gynaecological outpatient departments, antenatal, postnatal and family planning clinics (Ethiopian Family Guidance Association (EFGA)), in two teaching hospitals and a mother and child health centre in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Using the indirect haemagglutination test with gonococcal pilus antigen, sera were tested for the presence of gonococcal antibodies indicating past or present infection. The socioeconomic facts were analysed against gonococcal seropositivity of these women. Gonococcal infection was associated with very early age at first marriage and first coitus, more than one sexual partner and marital status/profession. The highest prevalence and titres were found in bargirls (100%) prostitutes (89%) and sellers of local beer (85%). The lowest prevalence and titres were found in the highest income group, those married over the age of 18 years, those with only one husband or sexual partner, and those with a sexual life of less than 5 years duration. National measures which could contribute to reduction and control of gonorrhoea include effective raising of the age of first marriage and first coitus, as has already been defined by law; the education of all girls up to fifth grade or equivalent; the provision of financial support to prevent widows and divorcees from drifting into prostitution; regular health checks and treatment of prostitutes; and education of men. While gonorrhoea per se is a major public health problem, our findings must have serious implications in the wider context of possible transmission of HIV through the community.

Disturbing the Nest: Family Change and Decline in Modern Societies.

Disturbing the Nest assesses the future of the as an institution through an historical and comparative analysis of the nature, causes, and social implications of change in advanced western societies such as the United States, New Zealand, and Switzerland by focusing on the one society in which decline is found to be the greatest, Sweden. The founding of the modern Swedish welfare state was based in large part on the belief that it was necessary for the state to intervene in society in order to improve the situation of the family. Of great concern was the low birthrate, which was seen as a threat to the very survival of Swedes as a national population group. The Social Democrats pioneered welfare measures that aimed to strengthen the family, to alleviate its worst trials and tribulations, and to make possible harmonious living. With the Social Democrats remaining in power continuously until 1976, a period of almost forty-five years, Sweden went on to implement governmental family that are among the most comprehensive (and expensive) in the world. In view of this major policy goal of improvement, the actual situation of the Swedish today presents a genuine irony; some have claimed that Swedish welfare state policies have had consequences that are the opposite of those originally intended. Comparing contemporary Swedish patterns with those of other advanced nations, one finds a very high dissolution rate, probably the highest in the Western world, and a high percentage of single-parent, female headed families. Even marriage seems to have fallen increasingly out of favor, with Sweden having the lowest marriage rate and latest age of first marriage, and the highest rate of children born out-of-wedlock. The early pronatalist aspirations of the Swedish government have been spectacularly unsuccessful, as Sweden continues to have one of the world's lowest birthrates and smallest average sizes.

The value of youth: equalizing age differentials in marriages.

"The objective of this paper is to present a model of constrained utility-maximizing behaviour which is able to explain several features of marriage. The model predicts that individuals meet in the marriage market and trade characteristics, in which they are relatively well endowed, to obtain characteristics in which they are less well endowed. The model implies a positive age differential in favour of the husband due to biological differences. This differential is shown to be attentuated by differences in earnings capacity and human capital investments. The model also has implications for dynamic aspects of marriage and provides an explanation for the secular increase in females' age of first marriage and difficulty experienced by females in the post thirty-year age group in finding suitable partners. An examination of unit record data on residents of metropolitan California from the 1980 United States Census reveals systematic patterns in the data are consistent with the theory."

Irish Population in the Pre-Famine Period: Evidence from County Antrim

A detailed analysis of data from the 1851 Census of Ireland Enumerators returns suggests that very early marriage was not common in County Antrim during the first half of the nineteenth century. A computer-assisted examination of over 7500 individual marriage partners indicates that the average age of first marriage for men was approximately 26 and for women 24. The proportions of the population never married [are] also examined and clear differences between the marriage rates for men and women of various age groups become apparent. Links between economic status and age at marriage are also investigated and the data suggest that male farmers married considerably later than other occupational groups. (EXCERPT)

Changes in childlessness in the United States: A demographic path analysis

Summary This paper describes changes in the incidence of marital childlessness among United States women since 1940 and tests a model to explain recent observed trends toward increasing childlessness. Based on U.S. Bureau of the Census sources, data are presented that indicate a substantial increase in childlessness for married women under 30 years of age since 1960. A path model is developed based on previous research on childlessness, in an attempt to explain this change. The model is composed of 1960-70 changes in (1) mean age at first marriage, (2) mean educational attainment, (3) the proportion of women in the labour force, (4) the proportion of women enrolled as students, (5) the incidence of marital disruption, and (6) the proportion of women living in urban environments. Using quarter-year age cohort data derived from the 1960 and 1970 1/100 Public Use Samples the results indicate that a substantial part of the increase in childlessness csn be explained by this model. Particularly important were increased enrolment of married women in education, labour force participation, and mean age of first marriage. The results suggest the relevance of structural changes along with birth expectation attitudes in predicting trends in childlessness in the United States.

Ethnic Differentia Is in Age at First Marriage, Canada 1961

Estimates of the singulate mean age at first marriage for the different ethnic groups in Canada are provided by employing the Hajnal procedure. While the Japanese males and females are characterized by the highest age at first marriage, the males and females of British origin have the earliest entry into wedlock. Age specific first marriage rates have been presented for the four major ethnic groups in Canada with the help of the Krishnan-Robert model marriage tables. The known social correlates of marriage are unable to account for the ethnic differentials in the age of first marriage in Canada. It is then concluded that the differentials might have emanated from the value system and norms derived from the parent cultures.

Differential Female Age at First Marriage in Six Latin American Cities

This study was a secondary analysis of comparative fertility survey data obtained in 1964 from probability samples of women in Caracas, Mexico City, Bogota, San Jose, Rio de Janeiro, and Buenos Aires. There was a general pattern of better-educated women stating later ideal ages of first marriage and a less distinct one of women born in the capital city to state later ideals. There was a general corresponding pattern of later real marriage for better-educated women, but no such corresponding tendency for capital-city-born women to marry later. Consensual (versus legal) first marriages were found to be associated with low education and rural birth, and found generally to take place earlier than legal first marriages.

Age patterns of marriage

Abstract In different populations there is a common curve describing first-marriage frequency (first marriages per woman) as a function of age for each cohort. To fit the variety of patterns of human nuptiality it suffices to choose the age that serves as origin for a standard curve of first-marriage frequency, and to choose appropriate horizontal and vertical scales for the curve. The prevalence of a standard form for first-marriage frequency implies that the proportion ever-married in any cohort also rises along a standard curve, subject to choice of origin (the earliest age of first marriage), vertical scale (the proportion ever-marrying by the end of life), and horizontal scale (the pace at which the proportion ever-married increases with age). A mathematical expression (a double exponential) is found to fit the risk offirst marriage (among those who ever marry), and some of the implications of uniform features of nuptiality in different populations are discussed.

Industrialization and Population Pressure in Eighteenth-Century Flanders

During the century preceding the beginning of modem industrialization, several regions of Europe experienced an impressive growth in traditional rural handicrafts and, concurrently, an acceleration in their rate of population growth. What were the relationships between what I call proto-industrialization and the acceleration of population growth during this period? In eighteenth-century Flanders, particularly after 1740, we find an increased rate of growth in the output of the part-time (seasonal) rural linen industry which had settled there since the Middle Ages. First of all, there is a prima facie case for the argument that industrial growth was induced and promoted by population growth. Evidence for this relationship is found in the writings of numerous contemporaries pointing out that rural work, outside agriculture proper, was a necessity for the support of a large fraction of the peasants. The highest levels of rural industrialization in Flanders were found in areas with the highest population density and land fragmentation. Further changes in the eighteenth century in terms of population growth, land fragmentation and industrialization only reinforced these contrasts. It is easily shown that the rural industry was in the hands of the most impoverished peasants; those who were closest to the margin of subsistence. Probate inventories show that the looms and spinning wheels were concentrated in the hands of those peasants who owned or farmed the smallest parcels of land.1 Finally, studies by Belgian scholars show a higher and rising baptismmarriage ratio in the industrial areas and a lower and falling age of first marriage while there was apparently no significant long run change in mortality rates. Since this evidence is equally consistent with the hypothesis that population growth was stimulated by the growth of rural industry as with the hypothesis that population change itself led to the growth of handicrafts, there is a need to use somewhat more rigorous methods of analysis to derive statements of causation. To study in greater detail the interaction of population and the economy, focus is brought to the separate geographic-economic areas that compose Flanders. The largest urban centers did not show rapid industrialization or demographic growth. On the contrary, there was even an important population decline in the first

Trends in the Retention of Married and Pregnant Students in American Public Schools

Western nations are experiencing a lowering age of puberty. Many show a declining age of first marriage. Technological developments have dictated an increasing age of economic maturity. The divergence between the ages of sexual maturity and economic maturity affects other social institutions. United States school practice has tended to prohibit attenance for married students, pregnant students, and student mothers. This study illustrates the decrease in restrictive practice since 1940 in large school districts, by regions, and compares it with small districts. Note is made of special programs and the scarcity of studies made by school districts regarding this subject area.

A Note on the Demographic Base of Household Formations in the 60's

The purpose of this note is to call attention to an interpolation procedure used in Bureau of Census illustrative projections of the number of households from 1960 to 1980.1 The present writer turned to these series in order to estimate annual household formation rates in the 1960's. The data there indicate that the annual number of households formed might be very low in years ending July 1960, and July 1961, and might decline in 1965 and 1966. These figures for Series B, a medium high projection, are in the second column of Table 1. Note that the figures for 1960 and 1961 (less than 600,000) are substantially lower than the average rate in the three years ending March 1959 of about 840,000.2 A different interpolation procedure indicates that annual household formation rates should not be particularly low in 1961 and that the number should rise rather smoothly from 1960 to 1970. Although widespread use has not been made of the annual figures that can be derived from the Bureau of Census publication, mention is made of the low formation rate just prior to 1962 in both an article in Fortune and the new book by Bogue.3 The Bureau procedure here was to project the total number of households that would be in existence in July of the years 1960, 1965, and 1970. Figures for intermediate years obtained through an interpolation process, in which preliminary figures were based on the assumption that the year-to-year growth in number of households would follow the same pattern as the growth in the number of men who are in the principal ages of first marriage (age 20 to 24); the final figures shown in Table 2 resulted from the application of a three-year inoving average to these preliminary figures.4 (Emphasis supplied.) It is the argument of this note that the number of households formed (the growth or first differences of the number of households in existence) is more closely correlated with the number of men age 20 to 24 than with the growth or first differences in the number of men in this age group. The argument is that, other things being equal (particularly the relative portion of men in each single year of age within the group), there will be more marriages out of a large group of men age 20 to 24 than out of a smaller group.5 As a matter of fact, the number of men in this age group increases each year from 1960 to 1970 and, other things remaining equal, we should expect a larger number of marriages in each year.6 (The first diferences in number of men in this age group increase and decrease so widely over this period, that it is not surprising that a three-year moving average had to be applied in the Census interpolations.) Interpolations from 1960 to 1970 based on the number of men in this age group are shown in the third column of Table 1. However, (1) the proportion of men at each year of age in the group 20 to 24 changes over this period and (2) the marriage rate at each single year of age varies greatly over even this small range. Therefore, a better basis for interpolation might be an annual series of estimated first marriages based on s'ingle yeai of age marriage rates, and population by single year of age. In connection with other work, the writer had made annual projections of first marriages and remarriages in the 1960's based on the number of females in each year by single year of age and on marriage rates by single year of age developed by Jacobson for 1948.7 Approximately 66 percent of the total increase in new households from 1950 to 1965 is the increase in husband-wife house-