African Standby Force Research Articles

Integrating Artificial Intelligence: A Step towards the African Peace and Security Architecture

The African Peace and Security Architecture, a complex set of interrelated institutions, includes the African Union's Peace and Security Council, the African Standby Force, the Continental Early Warning System, the Peace Fund, the Panel of the Wise, and regional mechanisms.The article explores the potential of artificial intelligence (AI) in strengthening the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It highlights the benefits of integrating AI into conflict prevention, crisis management and coordination of peacekeeping operations in Africa. Using practical examples, the article shows how AI can be used to analyze data, detect early signals of conflict, proactively manage crises, and facilitate coordination among security actors. However, it also emphasizes the importance of an ethical and inclusive approach to the adoption of these technologies in order to ensure a positive impact on peace and security in Africa.

Rethinking African Regionalism: Assessing How Regimes Use the African Union

Abstract: This paper critically analyzes the African Union's (AU) efforts toward continental integration, highlighting the gap between its rhetoric and the actions of member states' political leaders. The paper suggests that the AU's focus on individual state sovereignty, rather than continental unity, is partly due to its self-serving role for the political elite, serving as a vessel for regime-boosting and sovereignty-enhancing purposes. The paper acknowledges some of the successes of the AU in reducing armed conflicts and military coups through its Peace and Security Council, Panels of Conflicts Resolution, and the African Standby Force for peace missions. It also recognizes the potential benefits of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA), which aims to lower or eliminate cross-border tariffs on most goods, promote investment, and pave the way for a continent-wide customs union. However, the paper argues that "performative" Pan-Africanism efforts demonstrate the persistent gap between the AU's rhetoric and actions. Therefore, a close examination of the AU reveals how reigning regimes use regionalism as "opportunity structures" in political crises. The paper suggests that the AU's focus on individual state sovereignty reinforces traditional notions of sovereignty and hinders the process of continental integration. The paper contributes to the scholarship of regionalism by examining the less prominent roles of integration in Africa. It also highlights how supranational entities can be adaptive and mutative for their specific locales. Finally, the paper calls for critically examining the AU's role and potential for promoting genuine continental unity.

The Southern African Development Community’s Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM): Policymaking and Effectiveness

ABSTRACT On 23 June 2021, after months of deliberations, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) approved the establishment of the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) in response to escalating violent extremism and insurgency by an Islamist armed group, Al-Shabaab or Al-Sunnah wa Jama’ah (ASWJ), in Mozambique’s northern Cabo Delgado province, which posed the risk of regional contagion. SAMIM was deployed under scenario 6 of the African Standby Force (ASF) with a mandate focused on supporting the Mozambican government to combat terrorism and violent extremism in Cabo Delgado. Its mandate also centred on strengthening and maintaining peace and security; restoring law and order; and assisting the government and humanitarian agencies to provide humanitarian relief to the affected population. This paper contributes to raising public understanding of the regional and continental policies and principles underpinning the SADC decision-making process regarding the deployment of peace missions and the effectiveness of SAMIM in fulfilling its mandated tasks until its first anniversary. It identified the relative pacification of Cabo Delgado as a crucial strategic and operational impact of SAMIM’s exceptional military intervention, which facilitated its segue into a multidimensional peacebuilding mission. Six principal constraints-cum-opportunities of SAMIM, which had a significant bearing on its effectiveness, are discussed.

Ad-hoc Security Initiatives, an African response to insecurity

ABSTRACT This article contends that Ad-hoc Security Initiatives (ASI) have developed over the last decade in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin and represents a new form of African collective security mechanism. The G5 Sahel Force and the Multi-National Joint Task Force emerged from a context-specific need for small clusters of African states to respond collectively to a shared cross-border security threat(s). The existing African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) mechanisms were not specific and responsive enough to meet this emerging need. Despite substantial investments over the last twenty years by the African Union, Regional Economic Community/ Regional Mechanisms and international partners to establish the African Standby Force, this instrument was not agile enough to respond to the type of threats experienced in the greater Sahel region. In this article, we trace the emergence of a new type of ASI, examine how they fill an essential gap and analyse why the African Standby Force was not able to meet this need. We then consider the implications of these developments for the future of the APSA and how closer collaboration between ASIs and APSA can be developed.

Power Lies in the Barrel of a Gun: Diplomacy Without Strategic Military Capability Is Futile

Abstract The United States of America invests heavily on their military capability and it is estimated that it spends, alone, approximately 40 per cent of what the whole world spends on military. Four of the other super powers that make up the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (UN-SC) also spend a significant percentage of their national budgets on military. Chinweizu has for a long time argued that Africa needs a well-resourced African Standby Force (or the Black Africa League) that will protect the interests of the continent so as to prevent the history of Africans enslavement and colonialism repeating itself. This article seeks to analyse Africa’s investment on its military defense capability vis-à-vis the five permanent members of the UN-SC and North Korea, by critiquing two case studies of two of the continent’s economic giants – South Africa and Egypt. Realist and Sankofa perspectives are used as the prisms through which the article was researched. In line with Chinweizu’s observation, the article argues that without serious political will and dedication to building Africa’s nuclear weapons capability and ensuring that Africa is economically self-reliant, diplomatic engagements with the rest of the world as (un)equal partners will remain a pipe dream and the looting of Africa’s mineral wealth will continue unabated. It is clear that given the reality of the African Holocust if African countries fail to collectively defend themselves, Africa will continue to be a political football for the rest of the world.

Implementing the African Security Regime through a ‘Multiple-Speed’ Approach: Challenges and Prospect

The past two decade has witnessed a nuanced approach to addressing the institutional and normative responses to Africa’s unending security challenges, particularly the African Union’s mandate to create the African Standby Force (ASF). The growing infeasibility of operationalising the ASF has thus stimulated the conception of the South African initiated African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC). This article places the establishment of ACIRC within the theoretical concept of flexible integration, specifically the ‘multiple-speed’ approach. This approach highlights the willingness of a group of member states to proceed with integrative measures at a much faster and deeper pace. The possibility of developing an AU framework that sets the operational parameters of this idea is at the core of this article.

Operationalising the African Standby Force: Challenges and Prospects

The African Standby Force (ASF) is the implementation arm of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), a security arrangement between the AU and the Regional Economic Communities/Regional Mechanisms to address the security challenges of the continent. However, the ASF is yet to be operationalised after almost two decades of its existence due to its inability to develop a rapid response capability. The challenges include the changing nature of the security environment, inadequate political will, weak institutional framework, and financial status of members. Nonetheless, there are still good prospects which could be explored to overcome the challenges of operationalising the ASF.

THE 2019 SUDAN COUP AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION BY THE AFRICAN UNION

The intervention of the African Union (AU) in the 2019 coup and post-coup crisis of Sudan is the focal point of this study. The objective of the study is to evaluate the peaceful resolution of the 2019 coup and post-coup crisis in Sudan by the African Union. The research questions of the study are: What is the background of the 2019 Sudan Coup? What role did the Forces of Freedom and Change play in the 2019 coup and post-coup crisis of Sudan? How effective is the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) with respect to its mandate to intervene in member states. What are the methods used by the AU as it intervened in the 2019 coup and post-coup crisis in Sudan? The study is guided by the theoretical framework of Collective Security theory with major proponents such as Cardinal Richelieu Immanuel Kant, Woodrow Wilson etc. The study concludes that the prominent role played by the AU in the coup and post-coup crisis in Sudan is highly commendable but the lessons drawn there from can enhance future operations. The study recommends that the military capacity of the African Standby Force should be invigorated with adequate manpower and firepower to effectively carry out peace enforcement operations. Also the AU should draw a template and procedure for interface with the regional organisation of the state engulfed in conflict or crisis that the APSA is to mediate to avoid disjointed and uncoordinated mediation. The qualitative research methodology was adopted for the study.

The African Peace and Security Architecture as a Tool for the Maintenance of Peace and Security. Part 1

This study critically explores the extent to which the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) (such as the African Standby Force (ASF), the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), Panel of the Wise (PoW) and the Peace Fund (PF)) have been successful in achieving their institutional objectives, as well as the degree to which they are able to contribute to the work of the African Union Peace and Security Council (AU PSC). The AU PSC as a key pillar of the APSA is the main decision-making body regarding issues of peace and security. In order to achieve its responsibility, the AU PSC shall be supported by the African Standby Force, the Continental Early Warning System, Panel of the Wise and the Peace Fund. APSA is the umbrella term for the key African Union (AU) mechanisms for promoting peace, security and stability in the African continent. More specifically, it is an operational structure for the effective implementation of the decisions taken in the areas of conflict prevention, peace-making, peace support operations and intervention, as well as peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction. APSA is envisioned as a means by which Africa can take a greater role in managing peace and security on the continent, with the objective of offering “African solutions to African problems”.

African peace and security architecture in the context of African solutions to African problems

The African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) is the umbrella term for the key African Union (AU) mechanisms for promoting peace, security and stability on the continent. More specifically, it is “an operational structure for the effective implementation of the decisions taken in the areas of conflict prevention, peace-making, peace support operations and intervention, as well as peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction”. APSA is envisioned as a means by which Africa can take a greater role in managing peace and security on the continent, with the objective of offering “African solutions to African problems”. This study critically explores the extent to which APSA (such as the African Standby Force (ASF) and Panel of the Wise (PoW) have been successful in achieving their institutional objectives, as well as the degree to which they are able to contribute to the work of the African Union Peace and Security Council (AU PSC). The findings of the study reveal that the African Standby Force's potential as a tool for the maintenance of peace and security on the continent depends on the political consensus (political buy-in) and predictable sources of financing. Vis-? -vis the Panel of the Wise, the study has discovered that the role of the Panel has been undermined by geo-political dynamics, limited mandate, membership size and its institutional design.

The African Peace and Security Architecture as a Tool for the Maintenance of Peace and Security. Part 2

This study critically explores the extent to which the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) (such as the African Standby Force (ASF), the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), Panel of the Wise (PoW) and the Peace Fund (PF)) have been successful in achieving their institutional objectives, as well as the degree to which they are able to contribute to the work of the African Union Peace and Security Council (AU PSC). The AU PSC as a key pillar of the APSA is the main decision-making body regarding issues of peace and security. In order to achieve its responsibility, the AU PSC shall be supported by the African Standby Force, the Continental Early Warning System, Panel of the Wise and the Peace Fund. APSA is the umbrella term for the key African Union (AU) mechanisms for promoting peace, security and stability in the African continent. More specifically, it is an operational structure for the effective implementation of the decisions taken in the areas of conflict prevention, peace-making, peace support operations and intervention, as well as peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction. APSA is envisioned as a means by which Africa can take a greater role in managing peace and security on the continent, with the objective of offering African solutions to African problems.

Political and Military Obstacles to the North African Regional Capability

It appears almost certain that the African Standby Force as originally imagined will never deploy. All five regions have, however, improved military cooperation and gained significant Western investment, strengthening well-positioned elites. Virtually nothing has eventuated in North Africa, primarily because of lack of regional interest, especially following the fall of Libyan leader Mu'ammar alQadhafi and the ensuing civil war. Regional armies have significant problems with effectiveness; the force should only be retained if it genuinely fosters regional military cooperation.

The ‘speculated’ intervention of the East African Standby Force (EASF) in the Sudan: Lessons from its failed deployment in Burundi

ABSTRACT As the crisis in the Sudan unfolded after the overthrow of long time President Omar al-Bashir, the Director of the East African Standby Force (EASF) purportedly made a statement to the effect that the force was ready to intervene should the situation become genocidal. Using the case of its failed intervention in Burundi crisis, this article argues that the EASF deployment in the Sudan would generally not be feasible for reasons including: the government of the Sudan would not consent to the intervention; the ongoing dialogue between the warring parties would preclude any intervention; and the lack of capacity of the force to actually deploy. From its failed deployment in Burundi, these lessons can be discerned: first, that for any deployment of the EASF to be authorised, the policy organs especially of the AU must be aligned in their understanding of the situation. Secondly, where there are alternative means of dealing with the situation, military intervention would not be authorised. Lastly, that consent of the host state must be procured before deployment is undertaken out of respect for the principle of sovereignty.

The Peace and Security Council of the African Union: Rise or Decline of Collective Security in Africa?

This paper assesses, both quantitatively and qualitatively, the work of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union (AU) with respect to peace support operations. It seeks to know whether the establishment of the PSC in 2002 is leading or has led to a rise or a decline of collective security in Africa. It is demonstrated that in regard to its relative legal and institutional robustness, the PSC can be perceived as a rise of collective security compared with its predecessor, the Central Organ of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). However, it stagnates in terms of quantity and quality of actions on the ground. The main problem lies in the lack of sufficient operational autonomy from member states and international partners, such as the United Nations. Therefore, the PSC’s contribution to the maintenance of peace and security, and so the rise of the international rule of law in Africa is limited. The continent is still a war-torn region, affected by political crises and the expansion of terrorism in many countries. To solve this problem, AU member states should strengthen the PSC’s capacity, starting with the quick operationalisation of the African Standby Force. The implementation of the 2016 decision on alternative sources of financing AU’s institutions and activities is also a priority. In this regard, the political will of African states that may show that they want to take their organisation more seriously is required. This can further the AU self-reliance policy in collective security though the promotion of African solutions to African problems, and reduce the burden of the United Nations and other non-African actors’ interventions in the continent.

Peace operations in Southern Africa: Challenges and prospects for the Southern African Development Community Standby Force

The viability and operability of the Southern African Development Community Standby Force (SADCSF) is threatened by two principal factors: overdependence on foreign peacekeeping operations and inability of the SADCSF to fund its operations. The objective of this article is to explore the challenges and prospects that create a conducive environment in which the SADCSF in Southern Africa is able to intervene in peace operations and become financially viable. The methodology for gathering and analysing data for this study was based on secondary data sources, namely narrative analysis, systematic quantitative literature review, social constructivism and interpretivist approach, triangulation and thematic analysis. The findings of the article revealed that the SADCSF does not have a financial model for funding peace operations in the region. It also demonstrated financial inadequacies have consequently led to the inability of the Force to intervene in peace missions in Southern Africa. From the foregoing, it is evident that much still needs to be achieved for the SADCSF to possibly be operational, thus the identification of several indicators. The analyses from the article portray that, while much has been achieved, much more is yet to be realised in terms of fiscal viability, sustainability, responsibility and integration. It is recommended that an adequate monitoring group be established. It is also recommended that a planning commission be established for the SADCSF and that an adequate funding method be built based on each individual country’s ability to pay. Finally, a separate budget for funding peace operation should be established.

"Burundi and Gambia: Regional Security and Rapid Deployment Capability. The Utility of the African Standby Force "

"Burundi and Gambia: Regional Security and Rapid Deployment Capability. The Utility of the African Standby Force "

The changing ASF geography: From the intervention experience in Mali to the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises and the Nouakchott Process

ABSTRACTThe African Peace and Security Architecture has organized its African Standby Force into five regional forces, creating an African Standby Force geography. By employing a sociospatial lens, this article argues that the intervention experience in Mali has impacted the African Union’s policies on peace and security in the region. It analyzes the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises and the Nouakchott Process that were proposed in early 2013 as well as the role of the African Union Commission and member states in their establishment.

Politics of African Peace Support Operation Architecture: What next post-2015 African Standby Force?

ABSTRACTPeace support operation (PSO) institutions were established to support the African peace and security architecture in developing integrated capacities (civilian, police and military) for deployment in crisis situations. This institutional development is part of the transition from the Organisation of African Unity to the African Union (AU) within the Constitutive Act of 2000. Drawing from both operational and strategic challenges facing African Standby Force structures, this article explores the implications of civil-military dissonance on the attainment of integrated capacities, post-2015 peace and security arrangement. The study posits that whereas the PSO institutions have made significant gains in increasing their regional visibility, tensions between the military and civilians systematically edges out the latter from the centre of decision-making. Moreover, while AU bureaucrats superficially assert that PSO institutions have made efforts towards developing integrated capacities, cogent and deeper analysis shows this is not the case; instead the heightened civil-military tension is a reflection of decision-making dilemmas facing both the military executives and political elites. The article concludes by proposing a review of African PSO norms, doctrines, and policies in order to develop an incremental strategy towards achieving full operational capacity that is inclusive of civilians and police.

The African Standby Force: The African Union’s tool for the maintenance of peace and security

ABSTRACTDeclared operationally ready in 2016, the African Standby Force (ASF) has not been deployed in its originally designed form. This is not for the lack of opportunities but rather a demonstration of the power of the Regional Economic Communities/Regional Mechanisms (RECs/RMs) – Africa’s sub-regional security structures – over matters of peace and security. Experience gathered from its short existence suggests that the ASF may never be deployed in its current form. It may instead evolve into a robust framework, adaptable mainly by the RECs/RMs, for addressing varied security challenges. Four things are critical to enhancing the utility of the ASF: the political willingness of the RECs/RMs, the strategic interest of the member states, predictable and sustainable financing, and clarity on the role of the African Capability for Immediate Response to Crisis, the temporary battlegroup that was created to provide the African Union with a rapid response capability, pending the ASF’s operationalization.

African Standby Force: A Song of Sorrow

African Standby Force: A Song of Sorrow