African Peace Research Articles

Education at the intersection of conflict and peace: the inclusion and framing of education provisions in African peace agreements from 1975-2017

ABSTRACT International actors have called for greater inclusion of education provisions in peace agreements given the important symbolic and practical roles peace agreements play post-conflict. Yet, the inclusion, framing, and roles of education in peace agreements remain understudied. This paper investigates the trends in education’s inclusion in African peace agreements from 1975–2017. We provide a descriptive quantitative analysis of education trends over time, test several hypotheses that may explain these trends, and apply these findings to a qualitative case study in Burundi to illustrate key factors in implementation. We find that education is present in 46% of agreements, that the presence of international actors and disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration provisions increases the likelihood of inclusion, and that educational structure and content clauses are equally likely to be included. These findings have implications for international education practise and forward a research agenda for further study by international education and conflict scholars.

Mali and the Sahel: Making Peace in Another Rough Neighbourhood

Since the fourth Tuareg rebellion in January 2012, followed by a military coup in March of the same year against the democratically elected government of Mali, the Malian state and the greater Sahel region have hitherto become a political and security challenge of seemingly unmanageable proportions for the international community. Following the classification of the situation by the UN Security Council as a threat to international peace and security, foreign, regional and international missions faced intractable difficulties in overcoming political intransigence, powerful rebel groups, terrorism, organized crime, weak state institutions and a deteriorating humanitarian and human rights situation. Described as an ‘archetypal conflict ecosystem’ by commentators and as one of the most dangerous peacekeeping environments by UN officials, the situation in Mali and the Sahel has little to show in terms of progress after 6 years of foreign intervention of various kinds and therefore remains a still to be solved, typical African peace and security challenge. This contribution explains the root causes of instability and violence in the region, and examines the evolution of foreign, regional and international interventions in the region, the changes in peacekeeping mandates and the relationship between the United Nations and the African Union.

China’s belt and road initiative: linkages with the African Union’s Agenda 2063 in historical perspective

This paper examines the African interface of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), identifying synergies between it and Africa’s development agenda. Particularly assessed is its capacity to converge with the African Union’s Agenda 2063’s Aspirations 2, 4 and 5. The paper argues that the BRI appears to have developmental implications for Africa in terms of industrialisation and infrastructure rolling out and by extension boosting intra-continental trade, the African Peace and Security Architecture and intra-continental people-to-people exchange. The paper concludes with an empirical case for caution; indicating that for beneficiation levels to grow, a concerted effort on the part of both Africa and China is needed in order to synchronise infrastructure with socio-economic/demographic realities (rather than perceiving it as only an engineering problem), so that it is not only outward as was seen with colonial-era railways which were only coastally directed due to the extractive nature of colonial economies, resulting in infrastructural debilitation after independence.

The APSA and (Complex) International Security Regime Theory: A Critique

ABSTRACTRegional and subregional organizations have assumed a larger role in maintaining peace and security, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. The African Peace and Security Architecture of the African Union (APSA) increasingly participates militarily in various peacekeeping operations. Policy-focused analyses of the APSA not only characterize it as an international regime but also assume the benefits of this regime. However, this depiction of the APSA as a regime obscures the military dimension of its approach to peace and security throughout the continent. This article argues that a regime analysis romanticizes the APSA, and the type of security that it practices requires more attention. Using a field-inspired approach, this article suggests that the security practiced by the APSA is a result of various internal struggles within different institutions of the APSA and its external relations over the meaning-making of peace and security.

Conflict management and prevention under the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) of the African Union

ABSTRACTUnder the umbrella of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) have intervened in violent conflicts using a number of non-military tools. In the first section, after unpacking the institutional pillars of the APSA, this article will take a closer look at the non-military tools for conflict management and prevention (including ‘(preventive) diplomacy’ and ‘mediation’), to be distinguished from military tools, such as peace support operations. The article will also explore the linkages between the APSA and the African Governance Architecture (AGA), especially concerning political and election related violence. In a third section, the article will further discuss selected findings of research conducted by the European Centre for Development Policy Management (ECDPM) on the nature and effectiveness of interventions by the AU and RECs under the APSA for the years 2013–2016 and discuss these within a broader political context defined by two key parameters, i.e. the lack of a shared understanding of subsidiarity and the principle of sovereignty as opposed to non-indifference. In conclusion, the article will assess some of the challenges from conflict management and prevention under the APSA in the context of new developments and the recently launched AU institutional reforms process. Despite these challenges, our research findings confirm a general observation by APSA stakeholders and observers that the APSA has been a useful framework to promote peace and security across the African continent.

Hegemony and the Chinese Non-Interference Policy in Africa—A Friend or Foe?

China is Africa’s largest trade partner and enjoys deep political ties with many African states. However, the strength and depth of these relations are not reflected in China’s contribution to African peace and security. This research therefore unpacks the reason for such a discrepancy by placing non-interference at the centre of the question. The working hypotheses for this paper are that with regard to the resolution of African conflicts, the impact of China’s policy of non-interference is twofold. Firstly, the sovereignty of African states is bolstered as China refrains from interfering in the internal affairs of the respective state. Secondly, China’s rigid interpretation of non-interference becomes an obstacle preventing China from playing an active role in the resolution of African conflict. The hypothesis will be tested by means of a comparative case study by contrasting how Chinese non-interference has impacted the respective peace processes in Zimbabwe. What is evident from an evaluation of these cases is that cooperation with key regional organisations is sorely lacking in China’s approach to the promotion of peace in Africa. This paper, thus aims, to offer an alternative framework in which China can play an active and constructive role yet still abiding by the founding principles of non-interference.

Major Successes and Challenges of African Peace and Security Arctecture (APSA)

Major Successes and Challenges of African Peace and Security Arctecture (APSA)

Southern voices in peace education: interrogating race, marginalisation and cultural violence in the field

ABSTRACTThree gaps seem to be present within the literature of peace education: relatively little self-critique of the internal workings of the field; a dearth of studies featuring the personal narratives of peace educators; and an underrepresentation of peace educators from the Global South. To address these three gaps, this qualitative investigation explores the personal narratives of Latin American, Asian and African peace educators and critiques certain assumptions and norms underlying the field. We primarily draw on Galtung’s concept of cultural violence, Bajaj’s critical peace education and Connell’s Southern Theory to make our critiques. We examine 13 semi-structured interviews using grounded theory analysis. Three themes relating to cultural and structural violence emerge from these interviews: discriminatory hurdles for Southern peace educators, intercultural tensions in the classroom and linguistic inequality in opportunities for professional mobility. These may or may not reflect the experiences of other peace educators from the Global South or minority practitioners working within the Global North. But by discussing these forms of violence, we hope to show the value of foregrounding the perspectives and lived experiences of underrepresented groups – not only in peace education but also in academia more broadly.

Mediating Solutions to Territorial Civil Wars in Africa: Norms, Interests, and Major Power Leverage

Abstract:This article draws on the concept of “identity interests” to explain why commitment to the territorial integrity norm in the context of African peace processes has persisted over such a long period of time, even as continental and international contexts have changed. One major implication of this commitment to the territorial integrity norm is that third parties involved in peacemaking in Africa have consistently refrained from promoting a negotiated settlement that might pave the way for independence; they have only pushed for a territorial revision in a few instances. The role of major powers has been crucial with regard to the few successful territorial changes in Africa since 1960. An overview of all outcomes of mediation in territorial intrastate conflicts in Africa—as well as seven case studies—support this argument.

Financial Imperatives and Constraints towards Funding the SADC Standby Force

Achievable and viable peace and security efforts in Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) have been limited by an over dependence on foreign and international peacekeeping. The aim of this article is to unpack financial imperatives and constraints towards funding the SADC standby force (SADCSF). Through this the article hopes to provide lessons towards a suitable and sustainable funding mechanism aimed at addressing the financial challenges confronting African standby forces in peace operations. In particular, this article focuses on the SADCSF since its establishment in 2007. This article uses information from existing statistical and research data to first, identify existing funding models in international (regional and continental) peace operation and stand-by forces across the globe. Second, using four critical analytical frames (financial viability, the nature of regionalism, fiscal sustainability and economic landscape), the article highlights various implications of a lack of funding mechanism for regional peace and security in Africa. Third, the article shows that the following are critical to find a sustainable funding mechanism for the SADCSF: the financially demanding variable geometric nature of regional integration in Africa; the proliferation of security agencies; the complex nature of terrorism and interventions; the cost of skill acquisition and training of the multidisciplinary personnel; payment of wounded soldiers and contingents and member state tight budget. Based on international experiences and local realities expounded, this article suggests lessons towards building a suitable and sustainable funding mechanism for African peace and security in general, and regional standby forces in particular.

The changing ASF geography: From the intervention experience in Mali to the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises and the Nouakchott Process

ABSTRACTThe African Peace and Security Architecture has organized its African Standby Force into five regional forces, creating an African Standby Force geography. By employing a sociospatial lens, this article argues that the intervention experience in Mali has impacted the African Union’s policies on peace and security in the region. It analyzes the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises and the Nouakchott Process that were proposed in early 2013 as well as the role of the African Union Commission and member states in their establishment.

Xenophobic activities and its impact on African peace and development

Africa is noted for peaceful coexistence and cooperation among member states in the pursuit of development of both the citizens and the continent. However, in recent time, African peace and development is threatened by xenophobic activities, thereby giving Africa a negative image in the international system. This prompts our study, which is aimed at identifying the causes of xenophobic activities in Africa, and examining its impacts on African peace and development. Documentary sources were used to generate data for the study and content analysis used to interpret the data. Bio-cultural theory is the framework used to give theoretical explanations to xenophobic activities in Africa. The study’s findings indicated that there are issues of xenophobic activities in different African States at different times, and such activities have significant impact on African peace and development. The study made advances on the modalities to manage xenophobic activities in Africa.Keywords: Violence, activities, development, peace, xenophobia

Politics of African Peace Support Operation Architecture: What next post-2015 African Standby Force?

ABSTRACTPeace support operation (PSO) institutions were established to support the African peace and security architecture in developing integrated capacities (civilian, police and military) for deployment in crisis situations. This institutional development is part of the transition from the Organisation of African Unity to the African Union (AU) within the Constitutive Act of 2000. Drawing from both operational and strategic challenges facing African Standby Force structures, this article explores the implications of civil-military dissonance on the attainment of integrated capacities, post-2015 peace and security arrangement. The study posits that whereas the PSO institutions have made significant gains in increasing their regional visibility, tensions between the military and civilians systematically edges out the latter from the centre of decision-making. Moreover, while AU bureaucrats superficially assert that PSO institutions have made efforts towards developing integrated capacities, cogent and deeper analysis shows this is not the case; instead the heightened civil-military tension is a reflection of decision-making dilemmas facing both the military executives and political elites. The article concludes by proposing a review of African PSO norms, doctrines, and policies in order to develop an incremental strategy towards achieving full operational capacity that is inclusive of civilians and police.

Peacekeeping in a Francophone Space: Experiences of Ghanaian Peacekeepers in Côte d’Ivoire

This article adds historical and empirical insights to the ongoing global debate on peace operations in francophone contexts, by providing a historical analysis of Ghana’s participation in francophone peacekeeping operations, with a special focus on Côte d’Ivoire. It investigates the interrelationship between anglo-francophone African peace operations and its implications for negotiating colonial discourses and barriers and as a means to promoting deeper regional integration. The paper argues that the fundamental reasons behind the difficulties experienced by Ghanaian peacekeepers in francophone peacekeeping theatres, especially in the case of Côte d’Ivoire, resulted from the differences in culture, language, ethnic proximity and regional politics. We demonstrate in our discussions that solving the language problem, for instance, will foster better understanding and cooperation, but also fast-track and contribute to effective regional peacekeeping efforts and facilitate the establishment of the elusive regional standby force.

The future of African peace operations: from the Janjaweed to Boko Haram

The future of African peace operations: from the Janjaweed to Boko Haram

The AU Task Forces: an African response to transnational armed groups

ABSTRACTThis article examines the Task Forces created by the African Union (AU) to address the security threats posed by Boko Haram and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA). It argues that these Task Forces are well suited to address transnational armed groups whose ambiguous political goals and extreme violence make traditional conflict resolution ineffective. Although the Task Forces fall within the AU's collective security mandate and broadly within the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), their distinct characteristics make it more capable of addressing these new cross-border threats. Their reliance on nationally funded and directed militaries also allow the Task Forces to fulfil both the goals of the AU and the interests of the regimes that take leadership roles within these structures.

Contractualism: a contractarian approach to peace and conflict studies

How do we create an effective change in situations of intractable conflict where ordinary people are at the centre of the struggle? Distinguishing between top-down contractualism and bottom-up contractualism, this article presents the South African peace process of the 1990s as an example of top-down contractualism. In contrast, it raises the question as to whether bottom-up peace-making contractualism can emerge in the Israeli–Palestinian case.

Rentier peacekeeping in neo-patrimonial systems: The examples of Burundi and Kenya

ABSTRACTInternational peacekeeping in Africa has developed dynamically in the last decade. The majority of global missions are deployed to the continent, the largest regional contingent of troops comes from Africa, and the African Peace and Security Architecture has made significant progress. Peacekeeping is Africanized today more than at any time before. However, mainstream research has insufficiently paid attention to African agency in this context. This article sheds light on the often neglected influence of African politics on international peacekeeping missions. The focus is set on the consequences of neo-patrimonial political systems, which can use international peacekeeping missions as an opportunity to generate rents. It will be shown that such a rent-seeking approach is highly problematic for the troop-contributing as well as mission-hosting countries. Instead of curbing conflict, rentier peacekeeping is prolonging and exporting it. The empirical examples used are the Burundian and Kenyan involvement in peacekeeping in Somalia.

Promoting Security in Africa through Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and the African Union’s African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA)

The last two decades have seen African countries adopt a new security approach through the activities of regional economic communities (RECs) and the African Union’s (AU) African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). This article argues that despite progress in conflict prevention and the promotion of peace, defence and security through the APSA and RECs, challenges do remain. In particular, factors such as financial costs involved, the inadequate funds available for peace and security missions, conflicting interests and lack of agreement, poor co- ordination and inadequate human and logistics capacity have constrained the ability of African countries to achieve their peace and security agenda. Thus, for peace and security efforts being undertaken by the AU and RECs to be effective, the actors involved should have not only the requisite capacity but also political will and commitment, and cooperation among members and with the international community should remain crucial to the process.

Kenya's foreign policy in context (1963–2015)

ABSTRACTKenya matters regionally and globally. It is the economic powerhouse of East Africa and a long-standing hub for multilateral diplomacy; its positioning in a turbulent region has fashioned its profile as an anchor state in African peace and security. Until recently, Kenya's foreign policy orientation has situated it as a benign regional leader, but pressing developments in the regional and international environments have edged it towards a more assertive foreign policy position. This study constitutes a multilevel review of Kenya's foreign policy in the period 1963–2015, beginning with Jomo Kenyatta through to the current president, Uhuru Kenyatta. After evaluating contexts pertinent to the analysis of Kenya’s foreign policy, the fundamental principles, objectives and pillars of the current foreign policy are unpacked.