Africa Cooperation Research Articles

Belt and Road in Ethiopia and China’s African Ambition

China–Ethiopia economic cooperation in the period of 2000–2020 is marked by the convergence between the industrial policy of Ethiopia, the orientations of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and the infrastructure development strategy which is the cornerstone of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China, the largest foreign investor in Ethiopia during this period, has had a major role in terms of investment and financing in the energy sector and the transportation infrastructure: Addis Ababa Airport, roads, railway, seaport terminal, and gas pipeline. The flagship project — the Addis Ababa–Djibouti Railway — connecting Addis Ababa to Djibouti City and Djibouti’s Doraleh Container Terminal, inaugurated in 2018, provided landlocked Ethiopia with a good connection between the hinterland and the seaport: the economic corridor accounts for more than 95% of Ethiopia’s foreign trade. The development of Ethiopian Industrial Parks on the model of Chinese Special Economic Zones (SEZs) was the second pillar of the strategy of development of an export-oriented manufacturing sector. Chinese companies operating in Ethiopian Industrial Parks in the textile and leather industries have been pioneering this activity contributing to Ethiopia’s participation in the Global Value Chains (GVCs). Ethiopian government is also planning the development of agro-industrial parks specialized in added-value agricultural products such as coffee or cut flowers exported to Europe via Addis Ababa Airport and Ethiopian Airlines Cargo. Ethiopia’s main challenges in that direction are the necessity to go up the value chain to further penetrate European markets and, most likely, to identify the products or services which could be integrated into the African markets in the new context of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement that entered into force in January 2021.

Regional Cooperation in West Africa: Counter-Terrorism and Counter-Insurgency

ABSTRACT The challenges of terrorism and insurgency have continued to attract regional response. A significant aspect of such response is the demonstration of shared responsibilities by various nation states in regional cooperation to stamp out the menace of terrorism. The EU member states for instance adopted a regional approach to counter transnational security threats by embracing common standards and unified approach to Counter-Terrorism and Counter-Insurgency (CT-COIN). Likewise in West Africa, the Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) was recently reinvigorated to deal decisively with the cross-border terrorism in the Lake Chad Basin. This is in addition to other regional architecture that constitutes the needed ingredients of regional cooperation in West Africa. The operations and activities of these regional outfits have been destabilized by several challenges due to the peculiarities of security cooperation at a regional scale. Against this background, this article examines regional cooperation within the context of CT-COIN in West Africa with a view to establishing the challenges of such collaboration. The article unbundles the dynamics of terrorism and insurgency in West Africa. It engages the regional architecture for CT-COIN in the region and it underscores the challenges of regional cooperation. The article offers some measures for improving regional cooperation for an improved CT-COIN in West Africa.

AN AFRICAN UNION WITHOUT MUAMMAR GADDAFI: Challenges and Prospects of Strong Arab-Black Africa Cooperation

The uprising that eventually ousted Muammar Gaddafi was one political enigma that seems to have defied the imagination of most Africanist scholars. Many questions may arise, yet not all may find suitable answers. This paper however attempts to tackle some of these questions in the light of the respective roles played by the AU and NATO in the entire episode heralding the demise of the Libyan leader. First, could NATO’s involvement in the Libyan conflict be a pay-back package for the Lockerbie Bombing and alleged Gaddafi’s sponsorship of international terrorism? Secondly, why did the Africa Union, an organization whose conception and formation cannot be totally separated from visible efforts of Muammar Gaddaffi, stand aloof while NATO forces aided and abetted his destruction? Thirdly, given the subsequent trend of insecurity that greeted Gaddafi’s exit from power both in Libya as represented by the warring factions, and globally as represented by the ISIS, could the objectives of Gaddafi’s removable be said to have been me?

The financial and social efficiency of rural cooperatives in South Africa

Identifying the type of organization for achieving social efficiency for agricultural development remains a challenge. In this study, the relationship between the financial and social efficiency of South African agricultural cooperatives was examined. Data, comprising 1788 agricultural cooperatives, were obtained from the Cooperative Data Analysis System database. Only 387 observations without missing values were predicted in the empirical model. Data envelopment analysis scores for the financial and social efficiency indicators were computed. A two-stage residual inclusion method estimated the social efficiency model. The results show that social efficiency is positively influenced by financial efficiency and other factors. These include the number of employees, the enterprise type, and compliance with internal control practices. The social efficiency of agricultural cooperatives decreases for institutions that have recently been trained and that comply with the annual financial audits and profit tax. Social efficiency also decreases with age, but it increases with the square of the agricultural cooperative’s age. This suggests that financially-efficient agricultural cooperatives may achieve social efficiency, that young agricultural cooperatives are not the ideal candidates for addressing the social efficiency challenges of agricultural cooperatives, and that the current training received by agricultural cooperatives does not empower them with social efficiency.

Africa and China Higher Education Cooperation and Exchange: Effects of the Short-term Seminars

Africa and China Higher Education Cooperation and Exchange: Effects of the Short-term Seminars

HUMAN SECURITY IN SOUTH AFRICA

1. Introduction The gains that can be attributed to the cause of human security since the end of apartheid are significant. The right to vote, to basic education and primary health care; the introduction of an extensive social security system that has lifted many people out of poverty; the provision of affordable housing and basic services to millions, are some of the undeniable achievements of 21 years of democracy. On the regional and international fronts, South Africa has shifted from being a source of insecurity to its neighbours to being an advocate for peace on the continent, playing a prominent mediation role in conflicts such as those in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the Sudan. Yet the country remains dogged by unemployment and poverty, structural inequality in the economy, the failure of some state institutions to provide adequately for the needs of all people, and failures in the criminal justice system, to name several challenges. Moreover, South Africa's formal Pan-Africanist and internationalist posture has been sullied by recurring instances of violent attacks on migrants, many of whom have fled hardship in their own countries. It could be argued that human security has not prevailed, and might even be a waning value in the South African political and social fabric. Are we in fact, seeing a reversal of gains, and the return of the traditional security approach that had characterised the apartheid years? This commentary asks whether the human security agenda has been lost in the quagmire of political, economic and social challenges confronting South Africa, and if this is the case, what can be done to arrest the trend. 2. Africa's contribution to the global discourse on human security In the global discourse, 'human security' gained currency at a particular geo-political moment, soon after the end of the Cold War. At the time, South Africa's political transition was already underway, and ideas about what should replace the state-centred notion of apartheid, were an integral part of discussions. The poverty, racial discrimination, political repression and institutionalised violence that had characterised life for black people for centuries had been a focus of struggles and campaigns for decades. The state had clearly been a source of insecurity--this was conceded by the apartheid government during the negotiations in the early 1990s. The language in which discussions around a future security dispensation was framed, spoke resoundingly of a new era of 'freedom from fear' and 'freedom from want'--the language of human security. Whilst the United Nations' (UN) 1994 Human Development Report is often cited as a decisive moment in shifting the conceptual understanding of security, it was in fact part of a long continuum of global political thought and action. Anti-colonial struggles, the establishment of the UN, the international struggle against apartheid, all contained within them a desire to rid the world of physical violence and to establish inclusive, human and just societies. Not only were these aspirations expressed in the struggles fought by many peoples and movements, they also found expression in academic analyses. (1) Even before the 1994 UN Report, the relationship between security and development was captured in the seminal 1991 Kampala Document, which emanated from a meeting convened by the chairperson of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), President Yoweri Musoveni and Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, who was then chairperson of the Africa Leadership Forum (Africa Leadership Forum 1991: 4). The meeting, attended by over 500 people including several serving and former heads of state, deliberated on the prospects for Africa in the 1990s and the 21st century. It proposed the launch of a Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA). It argued that the erosion of insecurity and instability were major impediments to economic integration and the socio-economic transformation of Africa. …

Public-private cooperation and agricultural development in Sub-Saharan Africa: a review of Nigerian growth enhancement scheme and e-voucher program

The Growth Enhancement Scheme and e-voucher program, rolled out across Nigeria in 2011 by the federal government, provided the institutional basis for private agro-dealers to engage in the distribution of subsidized fertilizer, improved seeds and extension services to farmers. However, the impact of this policy on different modes of extension service delivery is still missing in literature. We apply an Ordinary Least Squared and Difference-in-Difference methodology on the (2010 and 2012) Living Standard Measurement Study of the World Bank. The results suggest that extension visitations as well as public extension services positively influence farm revenue. Furthermore, a substantial increase in fertilizer expenditure by farmers was observed, due to the e-voucher program, which could have contributed to the improved agricultural output witnessed in Nigeria post-Growth Enhancement Scheme era. Governments across Sub-Saharan Africa should implement policies that harness the economy of scale and scope of the private sector as well as information and communication technologies in delivering on time and adequate agricultural inputs to farmers.

Does trust facilitate cooperation in the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC)? A socio-psychological approach

ABSTRACT The word trust is oftentimes used by leaders in the Forum on China and Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and as the literature points out mainly to foster conditions for cooperation and mutual understanding. Studies in International Relations (IR), reveal that trust is an important tool to manage social behaviour in multilateral organizations by way of past and current interactions, learning and sharing and encapsulating common interests. Group meetings in the forum is the main form of interaction and ultimately aim to advance the collective interest, however, interpersonal contacts between leaders and officials also contribute to a common set of objectives. Trust is also an attribute in the establishment of Sino-African strategic partnerships that have increased in recent years. The argument is that concepts of trust in IR can provide answers to the following research question. What are the characteristics of trust-building in the forum and does it facilitate and enhance cooperation and understanding? This question is addressed along three main themes. China’s role as initiator of trust building, the managing of relations between the members and a socio-psychological approach to create trust. An important finding is that interaction creates conditions for acquiring information about the interests of other members and the expected outcomes they want to achieve. In return, when members believe in the benefits of cooperation, they will behave in a trustworthy manner to build better relationships.

International Law and Monetary Sovereignty: The Current Problems of the International Trusteeship of the Cfa Franc and the Crisis of Sovereign Equality.

The CFA franc and the Comorian franc are colonial francs which derive from the split, made by the monetary reform of 26 December 1945, between the metropolitan franc and the currencies used in the French colonies. As far as the CFA franc is concerned, its history is fundamentally marked by the spectre of devaluation, the spectre of countless attempts and the spectre of numerous implementations, which are a reminder that the CFA franc carries a congenital infirmity: its birth coincides with the devaluation of the metropolitan franc. The CFA franc and the Comorian franc are the two currencies of the franc zone, a group of fifteen countries that depend on three central banks: the Central Bank of West African States (BCEAO), the Central Bank of Central African States (BEAC) and the Central Bank of the Comoros (BCC). It should be specified that the monetary unit designated by the CFA franc is different depending on whether the countries are in Central or West Africa. Originally called the franc of the French colonies in Africa, the CFA franc became in 1958 the franc of the African Financial Community in West Africa, within the framework of the West African Monetary Union (WAMU), acting within the limits of the objectives of the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU); and in parallel, the franc of the African Financial Cooperation in Central Africa, within the framework of the Central African Monetary Union (CAMU), acting within the limits of the objectives of the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC).

China’s Footprint in Africa’s Peace and Security: The Contending Views

Abstract China’s role in the global peace politics has been transformed in the past two decades. Apart from its dominance in the economic realm, China has placed issues of peace and security at the centre of its foreign policy. In Africa, China has actively engaged in Africa’s peace and security agenda from opening a military base in Djibouti to participating and contributing to peace talks in South Sudan. Based on the emerging trends, it would appear that the long-cherished non-interference principle is undergoing a deliberate transformation given the emerging realities in the global geo-politics. It is based on this “paradigmatic shift” that this paper interrogates China’s role in Africa’s peace and security. The paper argues that China’s interest in Africa’s peace and security agenda is driven by economic and geo-political interests. The paper further discusses the role that China has played in military cooperation, peacekeeping, conflict resolution and post conflict reconstruction in Africa using specific country case examples.

‘One of the Most Urgent Problems to Solve’: Malnutrition, Trans-Imperial Nutrition Science, and Nestlé's Medical Pursuits in Late Colonial Africa

ABSTRACT Infant nutrition was key field of imperial health policies in Africa from the inter-war period to the end of colonisation. Although this phenomenon has been documented on the scale of some African countries, this article argues that infant nutrition stood as a particularly crucial field of trans-imperial exchanges on the scale of the African continent. It further demonstrates that trans-imperial rivalries and collaborations in Africa created a propitious political, institutional, and scientific context for business participation in infant nutrition. The article illustrates these phenomena by examining colonial, trans-imperial, international, and public-private nutrition initiatives in Africa, focusing especially on the Commission for Technical Cooperation in Africa (CTCA) and the food company Nestlé.

Regional cooperation and health diplomacy in Africa: from intra-colonial exchanges to multilateral health institutions.

Tracing the pathways of cooperation in health in sub-Saharan Africa from hesitant exchanges to institutionalized dimensions from the 1920s to the early 1960s, this article addresses regional dynamics in health diplomacy which have so far been under-researched. The evolution thereof from early beginnings with the League of Nations Health Organization to the Commission for Technical Assistance South of the Sahara and the World Health Organization's Regional Office for Africa, shows how bilateral dimensions were superseded by WHO's multilateral model of regional cooperation in health. Alignments, divergences, and outcomes are explored with respect to the strategies and policies pursued by colonial powers and independent African states regarding inter-regional relations, and their implications for public health and epidemiological interventions.

Cooperation and Conflict at the Horn of Africa: A New Regional Bloc Between Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia and Its Consequences for Eastern Africa

In January 2020, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia proposed to form a new regional bloc, occasionally referred to as the Horn of Africa Cooperation (HoAC). This article assesses which factors have contributed to making this proposal and contemplates potential effects for the complex security challenges, political tensions among the neighbours, and existing institutional environment in the region. Drawing on the scholarship on comparative regionalism and overlapping regionalism, we show that a genuine interest to independently address security challenges in the Horn of Africa, as well as domestic concerns, are core motivations for the leaders in all three states. However, the HoAC proposal bears the risk of further alienating partners in the region and undermning security efforts of other regional organisations, most importantly the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the African Union, and the Eastern Africa Standby Force. Thus, the promises and pitfalls of this new bloc could shape the regional architecture and cause new political challenges in the region.

Philani Mthembu, China and India's Development Cooperation in Africa: the rise of Southern powers. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan (hb £109.99 – 978 3 319 69501 3; pb £74.99 – 978 3 030 09891 9). 2018, 199 pp.

Philani Mthembu, China and India's Development Cooperation in Africa: the rise of Southern powers. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan (hb £109.99 – 978 3 319 69501 3; pb £74.99 – 978 3 030 09891 9). 2018, 199 pp.

Museum Cooperation Between Africa and Europe: A New Field for Museum Studies edited by Thomas Laely, Marc Meyer, and Raphael Schwere

Museum Cooperation Between Africa and Europe: A New Field for Museum Studies edited by Thomas Laely, Marc Meyer, and Raphael Schwere

The challenges of China-European Union security cooperation in Africa

The EU-China cooperation on security in Africa has remained on the level of aspirations and policy formulation with insignificant tangible results. Traditionally, the EU has played a strong role in Africa’s security architecture, and China’s participation within this policy area will open up areas of possible cooperation and conflict. Both China and the EU share the same goals in Africa—a stable and secure Africa. To achieve that objective, Africa, China and the EU agree, in principle, that a comprehensive approach that incorporates both traditional and non-traditional security methods, as well as a greater level of development support for African nations, must be taken. However, several challenges impede such cooperation. An EU arms embargo on China, conceptual gaps between the EU and China in human rights and sovereignty, and increasing levels of competition for natural resources are all barriers to trilateral security. This paper outlines those challenges, focusing particularly on barriers to cooperation in the areas of traditional and non-traditional security and development aid projects.

THE PRESENCE OF TURKEY IN AFRICA : RESULTS AND PERSPECTIVES

The aim of this study is to point out the different aspect of the presence of Turkey in Africa. In 2005, the government of the Republic of Turkey declared 2005 the « Year of Africa ». Since that period, the cooperation between Turkey and Africa has increased and has become more significant. Other countries such as China, India, Brazil and European Union are present in Africa in various activities. Turkey is using soft diplomacy to be present in Africa. During fifteen years, the whole Africa is more connected with Turkey as it has been never before. Many investments are made in Africa by turkish companies and african businessmen are coming to Turkey. After fifteen years of cooperation and presence in Africa, it is important to evaluate the impact of this presence in Africa. It has been established that Turkey entered in Africa very late. The goal of Turkey in Africa is different than other countries’ goals. The political cooperation between Turkey and the continent is in good health and will continue to be strong for the following years. For doing so, it is important to determine the perspectives of this relation

Prospects of India-European Union Cooperation in Africa

In the contemporary geopolitical environment, this article outlines the issues and challenges faced by Africa and explores India–EU cooperation in addressing them. An attempt has been made to analyse this cooperation within the context of dynamic changes taking place in Africa. On the one hand, the essence of the phenomenon of Africa as a potential market is presented; on the other hand, it is depicted as a continent of challenges and threats. These factors have been assessed and analysed independent of China’s growing role in Africa. While describing both EU and India’s engagements in Africa, the article outlines specific areas of cooperation including defence and security, development cooperation, trade and investment, infrastructure development, climate challenges, and strengthening institutions of democracy.

Measuring the financial efficiency of agricultural cooperatives in South Africa: an application of the Simar–Wilson methodology

ABSTRACT Post-1994, the South African government has favoured cooperatives over other types of corporate entities in its rural development programmes. An improved understanding of the key drivers underpinning the performance of cooperatives is important for informing government programmes and policies that target cooperatives. This study examined the financial efficiency, and its determinants, of 387 agricultural cooperatives in South Africa, using the Simar–Wilson methodology. Bias-corrected Data Envelopment Analysis estimates for financial efficiency were obtained in the first stage. The results indicated that many agricultural cooperatives are relatively inefficient, compared to the three best-performing cooperatives on the efficient boundary. In the second stage, a double bootstrap truncated regression model was used to obtain bias-corrected scores that excluded the best-performing cooperatives. The statistically significant efficiency determinants identified from the analysis were the age and size of the cooperative, the gender of the principal manager of the cooperative, its governance and the training indicators. The observed relationship between governance and efficiency may be attributed to institutions that prioritise non-financial goals by being relatively more willing to compromise on governance quality. Furthermore, deviations from sound institutional control mechanisms are more likely to emerge in cooperatives that have weak institutional and organisational arrangements.

The Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and knowledge transfer in Sino-Nigerian development cooperation

States always trade across and explore opportunities for relevant information on reforms capable of responding to progressive demands of domestic growth and national development. Presently, the traditional development landscape has expanded to include new actors not only devising new development models but also providing a variegated supply of developmental know-how in support of global prosperity – one of the most visible case studies being China’s South–South-based cooperation with Africa via the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). In their development cooperation, FOCAC-based initiatives posture to bridge inequality and disparity between both sides often through the transfer of knowledge. Regarding this, the Forum employs knowledge sharing as a combination of capacity development initiatives in the form of training and educational, technical, human capacity-building and human resource development, including technology cooperation. However, citing marginal impact on industrialization processes of African countries, sceptics maintain that FOCAC’s trail in the so-called ‘second continent’ translates as a systematic imposition of a Beijing-centric paradigm of globalization. Notwithstanding, given the promise of cross-cultural cooperation in knowledge production, rather than succumb to monocausal critiques on sub-optimal development assistance, this article evaluates the prospects of Nigeria capitalizing on China’s stock of development know-how more strategically.