Provocative Actions Research Articles

Religious Sentiment in the Muslim Malaysia: Rationality and the Religious Belief

This paper reports a study on the reaction of the Muslim in Malaysia toward provocative action on Prophet Muhammad. 700 respondent males and females, who were obtained randomly throughout Malaysia participated in the study which aimed at identifying the Muslim reactions toward provocative actions against Prophet Muhammad. The provocative actions include defaming, vilifying and insulting the Prophet. The respondents were given booklets of questionnaire containing statements which were provided with the Likert type scales, ranging from 1. Strongly agree, 2. Agree, 3. Not sure, 4. Disagree, and 5. Strongly disagree. The respondents were asked to response to the questionnaire and after 30 minutes, the booklet was collected. The data which was obtained was analysed using the SPSS to find the percentage, the means and the correlation. The findings show that very high percentage of the respondents were offended and prepared to fight if the Prophet is vilified and insulted. The finding also shows that the Muslim seems to be more easily agitated when Prophet is vilified compared to practicing the teaching of Prophet. The finding shows that 95.3% of the respondents were angry when Prophet is insulted while the respondents who practiced the teaching of the Prophet Muhammad was 85.7%.

КВАЛИФИКАЦИЯ ПРОВОКАЦИИ ОТДЕЛЬНЫХ ПРЕСТУПЛЕНИЙ

INTRODUCTION: the article studies some approaches of judicial practice to criminal and legal evaluation of provocative actions related to throwing in illicit items (e.g. drugs, firearms, ammunition, etc.) to a person in order to create fake evidence for prosecution. PURPOSE: to justify and specify, on the basis of scientific and regulatory sources, criminal and legal evaluation of provocative throwing in illicit items aimed at creating fake evidence for prosecution. METHODS: the methodological framework of the study is based on a set of methods of scientific cognition, among which the dialectical method is the major one. The author uses both general scientific methods and specific ones, namely the formal, technical and comparative legal methods. RESULTS: the approach tocriminal and legal evaluation of provocation of a crime involving throwing in drugs, firearms or ammunition to a person aimed at creating fake evidence for prosecution is studied. CONCLUSIONS: it is concluded that provocative actions, such as throwing in drugs and ammunition to a person in order to falsify their criminal conduct should be qualified as knowingly false denunciation with creating fake evidence for prosecution. It is proposed to make amendments to two resolutions of the Plenum of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation that deal with recommendations on qualification of provocative actions aimed at creating fake evidence for prosecution. Language: ru

Terrorist Attacks, Saber Rattling, Other Crisis Events and American Depository Receipt Returns and Volatility: If We Stop Shopping, the Evil Doers Win

I examine the impact of 51 terrorist attacks, three wars, an assassination, and other national security-related shocks on the returns of American Depository Receipts (ADRs). ADRs are securities that trade on American markets that entitle investors to the cash flows (denominated in dollars) of foreign firms. I find that small-scale terrorist attacks that receive little media attention do not affect ADR returns. Large scale terrorist attacks, the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, highly provocative actions by North Korea, and small-scale wars affect ADR returns while natural disasters do not. The negative effect on ADRs is short lived. I also examine the volatility structures of two ADR indexes (Korea and India) and their underlying home market indexes. I find that there is bi-directional information flow between the ADR markets and the home market indexes. I find evidence that various political shocks affect the volatility structures of these indexes, both ADR and home market indexes.

Beautiful landscapes in drag, the material performance of hypernature

The hot button of climate change foregrounds the performance of designed landscapes in contributing—or not—to an expanded environmentalism of material and social change. Redevelopment projects employing landscape architects commonly perpetuate feminized representations of nature to spin utilitarian exploitation of a singular, objectified environment. This environmental sexploitation polarizes ‘the’ landscape as, alternately, a very beautiful or ugly outside Other. The design idiom hypernature re-presents otherness to negotiate different, more resilient, possibilities of change. Hypernature's exaggerated simulations of nature ideals stage aesthetic agencies of otherness comparable to drag's denaturalizing expansion of gender ideals. The hypernature/drag analogy applies Judith Butler's theorization of performativity to materializing performances that iteratively re-produce what we idealize as natural beauty. Like drag, hypernature demonstratively transfigures aestheticized fantasies behind utilitarian representations of nature, ironically negating exploitive negations of Others. Hypernature's provocative act of acting otherwise expands landscape architecture's conceptions of beauty in changing contexts of survival.

Feminism and social change: women's place in Taiwanese newspapers and public opinion

This study used a content analysis of editorial articles to explore the portrayal of gender in women's pages of Taiwanese newspapers between 1975 and 2009. In addition to topical themes and editorial format, we focused on how women's pages present political messages in terms of the topics addressed, style of argumentation, methods of challenging traditional gender roles, and the promotion of provocative actions. We compared the content analysis data with social development indicators and public opinion polls in the contexts of the evolution of the market and the women's movement in Taiwan. We found that in the early stages of the women's movement, the women's pages mainly played the role of shaping a collective identity among the female public. During the postfeminist period, the women's pages mainly address social problems rooted in the domestic realm and provide self-development advice.

Memories of Japanese militarism: The Yasukuni Shrine as a commemorative site

The annual official visits of Japanese politicians to the Yasukuni Shrine, a Shinto commemorative site, have led to considerable controversy throughout Asia. While there are those within Japan who insist that it is a politician's duty to pay tribute to the past, many others view the shrine as a symbol of militarism, a reminder of Japan's colonial past and the visits as an act of provocation to those who suffered under Japan's rule. The fact that, among the worshiped, are the spiritual essences of 14 War Criminals has frequently served as a public lightning rod in this conflict. In our study of the Yasukuni Shrine and the associated Yûshûkan war museum, we explore the memories of the Asia-Pacific War supported by this shrine. In our analysis, problematic, nationalistic arguments emerge. In summary, the Yasukuni Shrine and the Yûshûkan are constructing and promoting memories of the Asia-Pacific War as a war of self-defense. Indirectly the shrine, therefore, promotes attitudes of militarism as well as a historical world view distinctly at odds with that of Japan's neighbors. By examining the war memories connected to the Yasukuni, we also bring to attention the rise of nationalism and militarism in contemporary Japan.

PLURALISM, FATWA, AND COURT IN INDONESIA: The Case of Yusman Roy

The interrelation between Islam, state and pluralism is an unfinished discussion in Indonesia. This paper examines an issue of promoting individual freedom to practice his/her belief, and at the same time not insulting the majority belief in a plural society. It takes the case of Yusman Roy on performing the s ala h (prayer) in a local language as the subject of analysis in order to identify the fault lines of religion and pluralism, and to consider how best to address them. The paper argues that fatwa and court should not be used as mechanisms to deal with the issue of religion and pluralism. It further argues for an “alternative dispute resolution” in dealing with the plurality of interpretation within Islamic tradition and at the same time maintaining the unity and harmony Islamic communities. It maintains that Roy should have the rights to practice what he believes, but at the same time, a negotiation on how he spreads his ideas outside his schools should take place in order to avoid provocative actions that invite violence.

Kualitas 0Pelayanan dan Perilaku Keluhan Konsumen; Determinan dan Tipologi

Understanding why dissatisfied consumers complain the way they do is a very important issue to be discussed from theoretical, managerial perspectives. As it is the main reason for the researcher to conduct this study. This study taken from D’Lofts Apartment situated near to Bina Nusantara University. The method being used is non-parametric statistics to test the hypotheses and descriptive statistics to figure out the main reasons of complaining behavior. As the results show that price and lack of loyalty from the landlord are the main reasons consumer’s anger. Whilst the most provocative action they may take is to bad-mouth the quality given.

PERAHU-PERAHU MASA KLASIK, BUKTI KEJAYAAN NEGERI BAHARI INDONESIA

The Honor of our Nation is often tested by our neighbouring countries with some provocative actions. Since the ancient period of Majapahit Kingdom which was also well-known as a maritime kingdom, Gajah Mada had succeeded in uniting the Nusantara (the Nation) through his strong military navy. It’s neither a myth nor a slogan because it has been proven archaeologically by the ships reliefs sculptured on the wall of the Borobudur Temple dated back to 200 years ago. Other evidence is on the inscriptions of Kediri and Majapahit which mentioned about ships, fishermen, captain and the process of building a ship. The spirit as well as the intelligence of our ancestors must be appreciated and honored as a real breath and spirit of our own, presenting an identity and dignity of one Nation. This pride will be the most precious base maintain the unition of Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia.

Ideales Konigtum: Studien zu David und Salomo. Edited by RUDIGER LUX.

This volume contains papers from two meetings in Jena and Erfurt in 2002–3 and is dedicated to Gerhard Wallis, who died in 2003. A memorial essay by the editor is followed by three chapters on David and four on Solomon. In the first of these, ‘Die Unschuld des Tollkühnen: Überlegungen zu 1 Sam 24’, Joachim Conrad proposes an eight-stage redactional history to trace the growth of the story of David's first ‘sparing’ of Saul from a tale about the provocative act of a protagonist (which, he suggests, may bring us towards the historical figure) to an idealized portrait of a persecuted yet noble future king, a transformation prompted in part by an influx of Israelite refugees into Judah after 722 (a hypothetical event, but popular with many scholars despite the problem of accounting for Benjamin). In ‘Flucht und Heimkehr Davids als integraler Rahmen der Abschalomerzählung’, Alexander A. Fischer builds on analyses of 2 Samuel 15–20 by Conroy, Gunn, and Sacon that identify a ring composition in arguing that the accounts of David's flight and return are a secondary framework to an older Absalom story (thus moving the terms of analysis from purely literary-critical to historical-critical). Thomas Willi, ‘Das davidische Königtum in der Chronik’, shows rather convincingly how David and his temple are portrayed in Chronicles in terms that reflect the ideology of empire and thus adhere closely to the Second Temple.

Courting Genocide: The Unintended Effects of Humanitarian Intervention

Invoking memories and imagery from the Holocaust and other German atrocities during World War II, many contemporary commentators and politicians believe that the international community has an affirmative obligation to deter and incapacitate perpetrators of humanitarian atrocities. Today, the received wisdom is that a legalistic approach, which combines humanitarian interventions with international criminal prosecutions targeting perpetrators, will help realize the post-World War II vision of making atrocities a crime of the past. This Article argues, in contrast, that humanitarian interventions are often likely to create unintended, and sometimes perverse, incentives among both the victims and perpetrators of atrocities. The problem is that when the international community intervenes in the civil wars or insurrections where most humanitarian atrocities take place, its decision is partially endogenous or interdependent with that of the combatants; humanitarian interventions both influence and are influenced by the decisions of the victims and perpetrators of atrocities. Herein lies the paradox: because humanitarian interventions tend to increase the chance that rebel or victim group leaders are going to achieve their preferred political objectives, such leaders might have an incentive to engage in the kinds of provocative actions that make atrocities against their followers more likely in the first place. More specifically, the prospect of humanitarian intervention often increases the level of uncertainty about the distribution of costs and resolve between the combatants. In turn, such uncertainty amplifies the possibility of divergent expectations between the dominant and rebel group regarding the outcome of a civil war. At bottom, the prospect of humanitarian intervention might sometimes increase the risks of genocidal violence. This Article turns to insights from the domestic framework of torts and criminal law to elaborate upon the theoretical framework that motivates this perverse dynamic, provides some contemporary illustrations from civil wars in Africa and the Balkans, and recommends improvements to the current regime to mitigate some of its unintended effects. This Article concludes that the optimal regime of humanitarian intervention would incorporate comparative fault principles that take into account the failure of victim (or rebel) leaders to take adequate precautions against the risks of humanitarian atrocities.

Casting American Sunshine on North Korea

IntroductionSouth Korea's of creative engagement with North Korea, designed to bolster a reconciliation process between the two Korean states on the divided peninsula, has been subjected to much criticism because of North Korea's pursuit of its nuclear weapons agenda. The original Policy was launched by South Korea's previous president, Dae-jung, and was subsequently modified as a Policy of Peace and Prosperity by the current president, Roh Moo-hyun. President Roh's already declining domestic poll ratings have been pulled lower by North Korea's provocative actions and American criticism of the Sunshine engagement paradigm as a form of failed appeasement.Given the increased questioning of the salience of the Policy's legacy, the Roh administration continues to adapt its engagement posture to greater realism. South Korean conservative critics of Roh's liberalism clearly doubt his administration's ability to be realistic. Signals emanating from these conservatives unambiguously indicate they would not stay the engagement course defined by Presidents and Roh. Despite their advocacy of changing that course and consideration of tougher minded alternatives, it is doubtful that a successor conservative government in Seoul would be able to totally abandon the legacy of the Kim-Roh approaches to inter-Korean engagement and reconciliation.A South Korean conservative leader in Seoul's Blue House probably would retain some of the sunshine paradigm for several reasons. The most visible reason is the way the ROK has cooperated with China in encouraging North Korea to pursue improved socio-economic policies modeled on some variant of a Sino-South Korean system. Beyond that major factor the costs and risks of a less accommodating South Korean approach to North Korea could easily be formidable in terms of causing a collapse of the North Korean state or a decision by North Korea to retaliate with hawkish aggression. In short, South Korea has ample reason to want to avoid paying the heavy costs of picking up the pieces of a fallen rival regime or the devastating costs of a new Korean War.Sinic SunshineIn this context it is important to note that the ways in which the PRC interacts with North Korea clearly is influenced by South Korea's mixture of a sunshine engagement policy and strategic deterrence designed to encourage North Korea to be flexible about socio-economic institutions and prudent about the risks associated with brinkmanship. The closer China and the ROK become as economic partners the more Beijing and Seoul share a desire to persuade Pyongyang to avoid pursuing a nuclear agenda that might cause the United States to take preemptive military measures against North Korea. In a sense China is adapting a combination of South Korea's sunshine paradigm and what some U.S. security analysts characterize- using a phrase rooted in the Rand Institute-as congagement (a blend of containment and engagement).Both of these approaches are designed to encourage North Korea to be a more reliable and cooperative neighbor between China and South Korea. They also would help induce North Korea's leaders to shift away from their political reliance on the so-called cult of Kim and its ethnocentric nationalism. China's national interests would be endangered if an extremist North Korea became an economically failed state or if North Korea's brinkmanship were to go far over the brink in ways that would cause the United States to take military actions against the DPRK that could entangle the PRC. As positive as that set of PRC policies can be, when they are coupled with its Sino-centric historical legacy that can cause anxiety among its Korean neighbors (North and South), the notion of sunshine emanating from Beijing can cause Koreans to want to avoid getting a Sinic sunburn.Rising SunshineThat positive sunshine metaphor would be even more foreboding were Japan to learn some lessons from what South Korea and China are doing vis-a-vis socioeconomic engagement with North Korea. …

A Contemporary Voice Revisits the Past: Seamus Heaney’s Beowulf

Heaney's controversial translation of Beowulf shows characteristics that make it look like an original work: in particular, the presence of Hiberno-English words and some unexpected structural features such as the use of italics, notes and running titles. Some of Heaney's artistic choices have been brought into question by the Germanic philologists, who reproached him with his lack of fidelity to the original text. Moreover, the insertion of Hiberno-English words, which cause an effect of estrangement on Standard English speakers, was considered by some critics not only an aesthetic choice but a provocative act, a linguistic and political claim recalling the ancient antagonism between the Irish and the English. Yet, from the point of view of Heaney's theoretical and cultural background, his innovations in his translation of Beowulf appear consistent with his personal notions of poetry and translation. Therefore, his Beowulf can be considered the result of a necessary interaction between translator and original text and be acclaimed in spite of all the criticism.

Bullies or Victims? A Study of British Union of Fascists Violence

Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists became surrounded by violence in the 1930s, clashing regularly with anti‐fascist and Jewish opponents, and often being blamed by contemporaries for provoking and initiating much of this conflict. This study uses government files from the period to analyse the clashes taking place, as well as evidence from newspapers and fascist publications in order to observe how these events were perceived at the time. Different levels of violence over the period can be ascertained, while the traditional view of Mosley’s Olympia meeting as a turning point can be qualified somewhat. The intrinsic role that the BUF’s increasing anti‐Semitism played in provoking violence is also highlighted. Challenging the traditional view of the BUF as the bullies of the political playground, causing trouble wherever they went, it was frequently their opponents who initiated the violence at meetings and other events. However, the provocative actions and rhetoric of the BUF means they cannot be exonerated of blame for the clashes, and they were certainly not the innocent victims of anti‐fascist attacks which they attempted to portray themselves as.

Bittersweet Obsession: Ed Ruscha's Chocolate Room

This article considers the singular installation work, Chocolate Room (1970), by the American conceptual artist Ed Ruscha (b. 1937), who is based in Los Angeles. Although Ruscha is best-known for his coolly composed paintings and photographs, Chocolate Room, explores the artist's use of unconventional materials to create works of art that confront viewers with the unexpected. The author discusses the creation of this site-specific work for the 35th Venice Biennale during tumultuous year of 1970 when many American artists boycotted the event due to the Vietnam War. Chocolate Room was installed in one part of the American Pavilion, where the interior walls of the room were covered with 360 screen prints made from Nestléé's chocolate. The author assesses the physical and psychological properties of chocolate and how Ruscha's installation manipulates these qualities as a deliberate act of provocation. Stains (1969), a seventy-five page, unbound book is also discussed in relation to Chocolate Room, highlighting Ruscha's interest in and experimentation with organic substances. The author situates these projects between the overlapping developments of Pop and Conceptual Art in America during the 1960s and 70s –– both of which are indebted to the 'anti-art' ideologies of Duchamp and the Dadaists. The author concludes with the unexpected demise of the installation and alludes to the ways in which the substance of a medium can transform the meaning of an image.

Untying the knot: making peace in the Taiwan Strait

The relationship between Taiwan and China is a paradox. On the one hand, the two economies are becoming increasingly integrated, as Taiwanese companies have come to regard the mainland as the best place to manufacture their products and maintain global competitiveness. On the other hand, the long-running and changing political dispute between the two governments remains unresolved. Each side fears the intentions of the other and is acquiring military capabilities to deter disaster. In its pursuit of peace in the Taiwan Strait, the United States could get drawn into a war between the two rivals. Richard C. Bush, whose career has been dedicated to Taiwan-China issues, explores the conflicts between these nations and the difficulties that must be resolved. Disagreements over sovereignty and security form the core of the dispute. What would be the legal status and international role of the Taiwan government in a future unified China? Given China's growing military power, how could Taiwan feel secure? Complicating these issues are domestic politics and international competition, as well as misperceptions on both sides. Thus multiple obstacles prevent the two sides from even getting to the negotiating table, much less reaching a mutually acceptable resolution. For reasons of policy and politics, the United States is constrained from a central role. To begin with, it must provide China with some reassurance about its policy in order to secure cooperation on foreign policy issues. At the same time, it must bolster Taiwan's political confidence and military deterrence while discouraging provocative actions. The arcane nature of this dispute severely restricts the role of the United States as conflict mediator. But if there is to be any solution to this conflict, the comprehensive analysis that this book provides will be required reading for effective policy.

A new dynamism in Sino-Japanese security relations: Japan's strategic use of foreign aid

In November 2004 a Chinese nuclear submarine cruised into Japan's territorial waters near the Okinawa Islands. In response, the Japanese government dispatched several Japanese naval ships and planes to chase the Chinese submarine until it navigated into international waters. This event, which potentially could have become the first exchange of fire between Japan and China since the Second World War, illuminated increasingly problematic security relations between the two neighbouring countries in the twenty-first century. In fact, deterioration of Sino-Japanese security relations is not a recent phenomenon but has already been evident since the mid-1990s, when Japan imposed a series of economic sanctions on China. Between 1995 and 2000 Japan had suspended its foreign aid to China in protest against: China's nuclear weapons tests; China's large scale war game including the launch of missiles across the Taiwan Strait; and Chinese naval activities in disputed areas in the East China Sea. This article looks at Sino-Japanese security relations since the mid-1990s through three case studies of the aid sanctions imposed by Japan on China. It clarifies the domestic political and bureaucratic interests that motivated aid sanctions and determined the decision-making process leading to these sanctions. The article argues, that with certain politico-security interests, Japanese governments actively used foreign aid as a strategic instrument to counter provocative military actions by China in the East Asian region since the mid-1990s. Despite the limited influence that Japanese aid sanctions have actually had on Chinese military behaviour, Japan's strategic use of foreign aid has undeniably created a new dynamism in security relations between the two neighbouring great powers in Asia.

State Preferences and International Institutions: Boolean Analysis of China's Use of Force and South China Sea Territorial Disputes

Thanks to supercharged economic growth, coupled with abundant physical and human capital, as well as political clout as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, China is a rising great power on the world stage. Whereas the former China under its closed, mysterious, and communist ideology was characterized as a threat to Asian and world peace during the Cold War years, today, ironically, a more open and internationally engaged China again triggers the “China threat” rhetoric. Despite China's constant assurance of peaceable foreign policy intentions and claims that it will “never seek hegemony,” skeptics rebuke these as a mere smokescreen that covers an enormous forward thrust, evidenced, for example, by the expansionist moves toward islets in the South China Sea. On the one hand, whether aggressive moves qualified China as a threat is still debated. On the other hand, whether provocative actions would escalate into large-scale militarized conflicts that jeopardize regional stability constitutes the immediate concern.

The Strange Case of the M/V Julia Woods1

ABSTRACT On October 19th, 2001, a crop dusting airplane over-flew the M/V Julia Woods near Rosedale, MS, while spraying a substance directly on the vessel; a commercial tow comprised of 17 open hopper coal barges plying a federal waterway. Starker, there were reports that crewmembers on deck were directly exposed to the substance released. The ensuing response involved many agencies and the owner of the commercial tow. For this incident, the National Oil and Hazardous Substances Pollution Contingency Plan (NCP) and the interagency relationships it describes provided the framework to deal with the “potential terrorist incident.” Discussing the response and management of this provocative act will aid efforts to improve and adapt current practices into the emerging national homeland security strategy for consequence management. The Wall Street Journal discussed in detail Zacarias Moussaoui Atta's actions in the months leading up to the September 11th attack on America, specifically noting his interest in crop dusting aircraft.2 A shocked nation watched as the FAA grounded the airplanes for weeks after the attacks, and the government toiled to assess the validity of the threat. Thus, when an “actual” or “potential terrorist incident” occurred in Marine Safety Office (MSO) Memphis’ territorial area of jurisdiction, the unit, acting as the Federal on Scene Coordinator (FOSC), responded to resolve the consequences of the contemptible act. Due to the absence of reliable information concerning the threat, the U.S. Coast Guard responded using the best operational judgment available and the interagency response tools (tactics, plans and procedures) in the NCP. The M/V Julia Woods’ response provides an excellent opportunity to discuss strengths and weaknesses of the current system. Importantly, the interagency coordination and response proved a flexible effective mechanism for dispatching resources to remote sites to achieve the objectives of the FOSC. Additionally, a unified command (UC) concept contributed to the success of the response as agencies succeeded in meeting public information demands during the response. On the other hand, a lack of a common intelligence system, disjointed plans, and weaknesses in creating and maintaining a common operational picture hampered the motivated interagency team's efforts.

ARCHITECTURAL ANARCHY: Self-help Opportunities for the Homeless

This account of public squatting in empty buildings on Sydney's busiest main street commences without rage at such an anarchist act(“Theft!” cries South Sydney Mayor, John Fowler).Through persistent efforts,this provocative action by thirty young members of the Sydney Housing Action Collective (SHAC) has matured to gain wide support. Negotiations continue to build a potential model for the relief of episodic homelessness based on the temporary caretaking occupation of vacant buildings prior to development. “It is only in a society where we have a government working day and night in our behalf that the housing problems are insoluble.”1