Egyptian Revolution Research Articles

Ideological Rapprochement of the Islamic Revolution and the Muslim Brotherhood

The creation of the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood movement in Egypt in 1928, and the success of the Shiite Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, led by the Khomeini movement, are important events in the twentieth century for the Muslim world and the Middle East. The role of these two movements is clear and important in all the historical events that have taken place in the Middle East over the past 60 years. The two movements have converged in some ideology since the 1950s, despite the existence of a Sunni-Shiite conflict 1,300 years ago. In this article, we will try to answer the question of why there are strong relations between the Sunni movement and the Shiite movement by telling about the historical events between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Khomeini revolution in Iran, using an analytical approach to the events that took place in the Middle East that united these two movements, such as the Khomeini Revolution of 1979 The Iranian-Iraqi War of 1980-1988, the Palestinian crisis and the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. We will also clarify the relationship between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Turkish-Qatari-Iranian triangle. The article explains the long-standing relations between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Iranian revolution, and focuses on the continuation of these relations to the present, which has influenced the situation in the Arab region, especially in the Arab Republic of Egypt. This article proves the relationship between this group and Iran, even though Iran is a Shiite state and the Brotherhood is a Sunni group. The emphasis was placed on the fact that these relations had a great negative role on the events in Egypt after the Egyptian revolution of 2011, as well as on the form of relations in the Persian Gulf region with the union of Iran, Turkey and the State of Qatar.

The Age of Counter-revolution: States and Revolutions in the Middle East

The Age of Counter-revolution: States and Revolutions in the Middle East

Lyrics Analysis of the Arab Singer Abdel ElHalim Hafez

In this work we analyze the lyrics of one of the most famous and influential Arab artists in the twentieth century, namely, (Abdel ElHalim Hafez). Lyrics analysis provides a deep insight into the artist’s career evolution and his interactions with the surrounding environment including the social, political, and economic conditions. In order to perform such analysis we had to collect and compile the lyrics of Abdel ElHalim accompanied with the necessary metadata into an organized and structured form. The data are preprocessed by removing stop words and doing some normalization operations over the songs’ prose. We did not perform any lemmatization or stemming as the original form of the tokens convey much more information than the source words. We performed a lexical analysis in order to study both the lexical density and diversity over the course of Abdel ElHalim’s career life. We have as well studied the most significant words, idioms, and terms played in the songs using tools such as word clouds and more quantitative measures such as term frequency-inverse document frequency. We have divided the career life of Abdel ElHalim into sub-decades of length 5 years and all analyses are done both in a yearly fashion and more coarsely over such sub-decades. We have found a strong correlation between our statistical analysis and the socio-political status in Egypt and the Arab world during that time. This is especially relevant knowing that Abdel ElHalim is very much truly considered the son of the generation of the 1952 revolution in Egypt. The significance of Abdel ElHalim and his lyrics stem essentially from being contemporaneous to radical changes in Egypt across all sectors including political (support of liberation movements across the world, and the conflict with Israel), and socio-economic (especially changing the social class structure in Egypt). We also investigated the potential effectiveness of PoS (Part of Speech) tagging in genre analysis and classification.

Assessment of the United Nations Good Offices for Conflict Resolution in Yemen

Abstract The current study examines the United Nations Good Offices and their ability to enhance stability and peace in Yemen where political and socioeconomic strife is existing. It highlights the constant efforts done by the United Nations for achieving peace since the outbreak of the Youth Revolution (Arabic spring) in 2011 and how these efforts attempt to stop the war and fulfill peace in the context of the Yemeni conflict. This study adopts both exploratory and empirical methods to shed light on the roles of the good offices of the UN for conflict resolution in Yemen, testing the multiple regressions between the good offices and resolving conflict in Yemen, as well as, analyzing why these efforts have failed to overcome this chaos. The study shows the positive impact of the good offices on stopping war and controlling conflict in Yemen through the UNSC resolutions which have a high influence among other efforts. Therefore, it is discovered in this article that the UN Good Offices have failed to accomplish their primary objectives of attaining peace and ending the continuous war because of some obstruction within the UN itself.

“Thank you … . Facebook”: neocolonial practices of translation as self-Seduction

ABSTRACT This article examines the diverging translations of an unnamed protester photographed several times throughout the early days of the 2011 Egyptian uprisings. Using iconographic tracking, the paper argues that self-seductive translation is an important concept for critical cultural studies. Self-seductive translation targets neocolonial audiences with an identification chain that obscures the asymmetry of the neocolonial relationship. In the case of the unnamed protester, self-seductive translation encouraged US English speakers to identify themselves as equals with the imaged protester, where the now-equal relationship is delivered by tools and technology of the West.

Social media & uprisings: The case of the Egyptian revolution in 2011

The present exploratory study adopts the case of the 2011 Egyptian Uprising, as it is particularly illustrative of the climacteric impact of technology on past social and societal conflicts. The latter will be achieved through a systematic review of literature which examines the different ways through which social media was used, as well as the impact it had on facilitating social change with regards to the Egyptian Revolution. The research problem aims to examine the different ways through which social media was used during the Egyptian Uprising, as well as the impact it had on facilitating social change. It caters to a discovery-oriented decision problem and focuses on revealing how social media influences social change while shedding light particularly on the 2011 Egyptian Revolution and the implications social media carried towards it. The conducted exploratory study adequately demonstrates that social media is found to have an undeniable influence on social change, especially as it has been adopted across various phases of the uprising, including its utilization for the initial formation of communities, as well as for promoting the collective movement. Findings of this study will be of great value to future academic studies, as it serves to depict social media as a mechanism of information dissemination in the Arab and/or non-Arab world, whilst correlating to the varied utilities of social media during times of crises and the impact it had on facilitating social change.

United States and European Union Policies towards the 2011 Egyptian Uprising and the 2013 Post Revolution Regime

United States and European Union Policies towards the 2011 Egyptian Uprising and the 2013 Post Revolution Regime

Террор как тактика в годы кризиса «Народной воли»: убийство генерала В. С. Стрельникова

Revolutionary organization Narodnaya Volya party used a terrorism as a method of disorganization of government. As objects of that except emperor became the most odious statemen and general Vassily Strelnikov, who was attorney of Kyiv military district court. He truly hates revolutionary youth, attorney activizes massive searches and arrests. Strelnikov intimidates them by death penalty that bring them to give wanted testimonies. As the inquiry progresses attorney shuffles and overcharges facts for exact death penalty. Negative recalls about Strelnikov leaved his coworker Vassily Novitzky, lead of Kyiv gendarme province governance and liberal professor of law Fyodor Kistyakovsky. These reports allow to have trust to revolutionary memoirs. A populist Vera Figner propose to kill Strelnikov. She compiles reports about his directions and everyday life. Then to Odessa came Stepan Khalturin, one of executors, the second arrived only in two months – Nikolay Zhelvakov. Khalturin invents a plan of attempt, after a murder he has to drive away a comrade in cart that waits at neighbor street. Khalturin behave uncompromisingly and don’t listen other points of view. 18 march of 1882 Zhelvakov shoot and kill an attorney Strelnikov, but both Zhelvakov and Khalturin was grabbed by people in the crowd. At inquiry Zhelvakov behave hardy and only explicate reasons of his action. But Khalturin make to excuse himself and just before an execution he gave honest testimonies. Probably he makes to put off his death penalty. This successful for revolutionists act of terrorism was prepared very bad and mirrors a state of Narodnaya Volya party after one year of Alexander II assassination.

DOMINASI MILITER DALAM POLITIK DAN PEMERINTAHAN DI MESIR: KEGAGALAN DEMOKRATISASI DI MESIR PADA KUDETA 2013

This paper discusses how the democratization process that took place for the first time in Egypt, which was marked by the election of President Mohammad Morsi and the victory of Islamic groups' votes in parliament through this general election, did not run smoothly. The military, which has long been in an important position in Egypt, is not standing still. The democratic process in Egypt was marred by the coup carried out by the military group against the Morsi government on July 3, 2013. Through an analysis based on pretorian theory and the concept of military intervention in politics, this paper shows the dominance of the military as a very dominant actor in Egypt. Pretorian theory, in particular, emphasizes the dominant role of the military in all important political institutions, including political leaders. The military, which was previously allied with the Muslim Brotherhood and supported the Egyptian revolution that resulted in the ouster of President Mubarak, turned into opponents when IM won a majority in the Egyptian parliamentary elections. The military saw that the voice of Islamic groups was no longer in line with its interests, so the 2013 coup against Muhammad Morsi took place.

Формирование монгольской интеллигенции во Внутренней Монголии Китая в начале XX в.

Introduction. The 20th-century shaping and development of the intelligentsia in China’s Inner Mongolia remains understudied in Russian Mongolian studies. Goals. The study aims at exploring the development of Inner Mongolia’s education system, including in Daur-inhabited areas, in the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China, at determining the place and role of the Mongolian-Tibetan Special School in training of Inner Mongolia’s advanced youth. Materials and methods. The article analyzes a wide range of sources, including documents from the Russian State Archive of Sociopolitical History (RGASPI) and Central Archives of the Federal Security Service of Russia (CA FSB). It also examines a number of publications, such as collected documents and memoirs titled ‘Notes of Disasters and Sufferings’, one reference book on Morin Dawa Daur Autonomous Banner, and the Neimenggu ribao (Inner Mongolia Daily) newspaper. Certain attention is paid to works by Russian and foreign historians that touch upon some aspects of education development in ethnic regions of China. Results. In the early 20th century, the youth of Inner Mongolia gained opportunities to study at educational institutions of China and other countries. Subsequently, the revolutionary youth to further constitute a large proportion of the Mongolian intelligentsia took an active part in the sociopolitical events of the examined period. Conclusions. The reforms of the Qing and ROC governments in ethnic minorities education system gave rise to a large number of educational institutions to be attended by commoners’ children in Inner Mongolia. This proved a crucial factor to have formed a new social stratum in the region throughout the 1920s and 1930s. The latter was shaped by young Mongols to have undergone training not only in China but also in Japan, Mongolia, and the USSR. They played a significant role in the all-Mongolian national liberation movement. The paper asserts important impacts of the Mongolian-Tibetan Special School which had educated political elites of 20th-century Inner Mongolia.

The Muslim Brotherhood: From the Caliphate to the Modern Civic State

The Muslim Brotherhood plays a prominent role in the politics of many Muslim countries as one of the largest Islamist groups. As a politico-social movement, the Muslim Brotherhood has gone through many tactical and ideological shifts over the past 90 years since its founding in 1928. Studying these shifts and the reasoning behind them can help us to understand the behaviour of certain groups. This paper studies one of the major shifts in the discourse of the movement, from the advocacy for restoring the Caliphate to the call for a modern civic state, despite the idea of the Caliphate having been one of the core motives behind the founding of the Brotherhood. This paper traces the change in Muslim Brotherhood discourse of the Caliphate through a thick analysis of the writings and statements of the prominent leaders of the group, starting with Brotherhood’s founder, al-Banna, and progressing to the leaders of the 2011 Egyptian Revolution. This paper examines this shift’s degree of significance and its underlying rationale. Instead of addressing changes collectively, each change is considered individually to gain further insight into the incentives driving the major shift under study, namely the overhaul of the political discourse of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in so far as shifting from adopting the caliphate to the modern civic state. This shift in the Caliphate discourse is approached singularly, opening room for exclusive explanations that are unique to the altered concept. While a wholesale approach that treats changes as a collective succeeds in explaining the changes within some social and political movements, it ignores substantial factors and elements that are advantageous for profound understanding of the case in question. The shift in the Caliphate discourse, though it was not significant in practice, is useful in suggesting an alternative method for the justification of tactical and ideological shifts of the Muslim Brotherhood.

The Revolution in Egypt's Economic System, From Private Enterprise to Socialism, 1952-1965 by P. Patrick O'Brien. London: Oxford University Press, 1966.

Egypt occupies an important place in the Middle East. It has, for the last eighty years or so, acted as the mind of the Arab world. Its impact has not been confined to the realm of politics; it is influencing the intellectual, social and economic life of the area. It claims to have made a first full-dress experi¬ment in socialism in the Middle East. A study of the transformation of the Egyptian economy and society is bound to be interesting and enlightening.The Revolution in Egypt's Economic System is one such study. Patrick O'Brien has written a valuable monograph on the new system and the manner in which it is operating. The author has made a systematic study of "the poli¬tical, legal and institutional framework within which economic enterprise has operated since the revolution". The book is divided into nine chapters: two dealing with the pattern of the economy before the revolution and six discussing the transformations that took place after the revolution. The last chapter is devoted to an evaluation of the system and of its achievements in respect of achieving administrative efficiency and economic equity. The relationship be¬tween government and economy is an important area of study in the economic history of Egypt. State participation in the economic field began with the reforms introduced by Mohammad Ali which led to the emergence of public monopolies. The transition towards free-market economy began in 1844 and was completed by 1914. By the mid-twentieth century, Egypt had a predo¬minantly free market operating side by side with an effective public sector. Agriculture continued to occupy an important position but significant strides had also been taken towards industrialization. Around 1950, Egypt had ac¬quired an industrial structure dominated by the manufacture of simple con¬sumer goods. Fifteen per cent of Egypt's national income came from industry and the per-capita income stood at $118.

Contemporary Revolution in the Arab Novel: Tristes Tropiques of the Arab Spring

The Arab Spring is the last revolution and, at the same time, one of the most critical events in the Arab world. The paper analyzes the literary representations of this current social phenomenon. The focus is on the narratives written immediately before, during, and after the revolutions in Egypt, Tunisia, and Syria. The revolution has become a significant theme of Arab literature, so its reflections in the novel are plural and divergent. The perspectives of the Arab Spring vary from the optimism of Nawal al-Sa’dawi and Abu Bakr al-Ayadi to the dystopian image in the novels of Khalid Khalifa and the insightful discovery of the revolution as a void by Izzudin Fishayr.

Egypt’s new authoritarianism from an institutionalist perspective: formal-informal interactions before and after the Egyptian revolution

ABSTRACT Utilizing an institutionalist approach, this paper traces the historical transitions of formal-informal interactions in the Egyptian political system before and after the 2011 Revolution. I argue that formal-informal interactions moved from Complementary during the first two decades of Mubarak’s rule, to Competing in his last decade, then back to Complementary under Sisi. Each transition was motivated by a critical juncture. The first transition was driven by Mubarak’s desire to bequeath power to his son, Gamal, while the second was motivated by the collapse of his regime in 2011. Each transition was marked by differing means. Mubarak used electoral politics to manage formal-informal relations, while the current regime under Sisi is heavily reliant on coercion.

Women’s Unveiling in the 2011 Egyptian Uprising: Political Opportunities and Modesty Politics

AbstractUsing the case of women’s unveiling during the 2011 Egyptian uprising, I investigate how momentous political events have transformative impacts beyond the overtly “political” sphere of policies and institutions. I trace the choice to unveil among some women protesters to their involvement in collective action and show the different mechanisms that led to their decision. Specifically, I identify three pathways to unveiling: shifts in political opportunities, innovations in the repertoires of contention and the framing of unveiling, and exposure to new mobilizing structures and networks. The data for this project build upon original field research and interview data with women who removed their hijab during the 2011 Egyptian uprising. The article adds to the literature on gender and contentious politics by demonstrating the gendered effects of political opportunity structures on women’s choices around veiling.

Balai Penerangan Pemuda Indonesia dalam Narasi Masa Lampau

The purpose of the study was to reveal the influence and activities in the Indonesian Youth Information Center (BPPI) building during the Dutch Colonial period, and the story of the heroic youth in defending independence. The research method uses historical methods consisting of heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that during the Dutch colonial period, the BPPI building functioned as a gathering place for Vereeniging merchants who did business in the Gadang Market, Mudik Market, Batipuh Market, and Malintang Market. In the early days of independence, this building was turned into the Indonesian Youth Information Center. This is where the red and white flag was raised for the first time, the inauguration of the first resident, the formation of the BKR, and the formation of the KNI of West Sumatra. The conclusion of the research in 2017, the Padang City Government started a plan to revitalize the building which will function as a Joang Building museum which will later be equipped with photographs, a map of the old Padang city, a map of the movement of revolutionary youth in defending independence.
 
 Keywords: BPPI, Independence, Merchant, Struggle.

The Way We See It: Poetic-Visual Reciprocity in Egyptian Street Art Since 2011

Abstract This article traces the manifestations of the newly adapted artistic form of “calligraffiti,” or the synthetic braiding of poetry and graffiti on what became known as the “walls of protest” in post-2011 Egypt. This new mode of writing/drawing answers to the immediacy of an unprecedented revolutionary moment in Egypt and rewrites Egyptian history in peculiar artistic instantaneity. The image-text discursive dynamics of this hybrid form of expression enhance our understanding of the 2011 Egyptian uprising, enabling us to explore the potential of revolutionary impulse for stretching new artistic forms. This article therefore engages calligraffiti as a means to expand the scope of the literary, and specifically the poetic, to involve the visual dimension as coupled with the conceptual (linguistic). In this border- and genre-crossing artistic mode, Arabic poetry and graffiti meld as a revolutionary form of self-expression that defies local and international hegemonic, patriarchal regimes. Calligraffiti serves not only as a means of registering a revolutionary moment in Egypt or of celebrating the epiphany of the uprising, but more importantly it stands as a cultural and literary tool developed and used by Egyptian artists to represent the revolutionary artistic self and galvanize dissent during a highly contested moment in Egypt’s history. The article thus traces the ways that the calligraffiti of Egyptian artists like Bahiyyah Shihāb (Bahia Shehab) and ʿUmar Fatḥī (Omar Fathy), ʿAmmār Abū Bakr (Ammar Abo Bakr), Ganzīr (Ganzeer), Al-Mushīr (El-Moshir) and ʿAlāʾ ʿAwaḍ (Alaa Awad), are enmeshed with the poetic lines of Amal Dunqul, Pablo Neruda, and Yāsir al-Manawahlī (Yasser el-Manawahly) on the artistic canvas of muralled Egyptian revolution.

The Diplomacy of the Ottoman Empire in Dealing with the Egyptian Crisis (1248- 1256 AH / 1832-1840 AD) "A Study in the Light of the Ottoman Documents"

This study aims to shed light on the diplomacy of the Ottoman Empire in dealing with the Egyptian crisis 1832-1840 in the light of the Ottoman documents, i.e., relying on the Ottoman documents (the three reports: internal, external and excellent) and other printed sources. This also includes Ottoman diplomacy in the wake of the defeat of the Ottoman army in the Battle of Nasaybiin in July 1839 AD, the European diplomatic position in the wake of the defeat of the Ottoman army after the Battle of Nasaybiin and the decline of the activity of Ottoman diplomacy in the late Egyptian crisis. The study concludes that the Ottoman Empire resorted to diplomacy when it found that the military superiority of the Egyptian forces became a reality on the ground.

Cairo’s Ultras: Resistance and Revolution in Egypt’s Football Culture

"Cairo’s Ultras: Resistance and Revolution in Egypt’s Football Culture." Asian Journal of Sport History & Culture, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2

The revolution continues: Mapping the Egyptian Twittersphere a decade after the 2011 Revolution

Ten years after the onset of the Arab revolutions, Facebook and Twitter have turned into powerful enablers of vast disinformation campaigns, harassment, censorship, and incitement of violence against activists, journalists, and human rights defenders. This, however, does not mean that the Egyptian online experience is over. A new generation of digital activists has started to emerge, bringing together disparate individuals and groups educating citizens how to exploit social media tools to support a common cause: democracy. Commemorating the tenth anniversary of the Egyptian Revolution, social media activists remembered the 18–day Revolution, revisiting the besieged networked public sphere and examining the future of activism in Egypt. This study aims to map the Egyptian Twittersphere in its celebration of a decade of the Revolution, exploring the actors present, their voice and interactivity, and the main themes that evolved.