The franc CFA is a currency union composed of 15 sub-Saharan African countries, managed and led by France, the former colonizer. The main objective of this paper is to use the franc CFA as a case study to test the concept of authority, defined as rightful, and hence largely consensual, rule. ‘Authority’ makes a key testable prediction, namely that secondary states consent to their subordination, whether in global governance institutions, alliances or supranational organizations including currency unions, because the net benefits of membership outweigh the costs. It follows that two pieces of evidence can potentially falsify the theory: the lack of consent, or the demonstration of the absence of net benefits. The findings of the present work are that, in the franc CFA, there is little evidence of favourable economic outcomes, but that there is some evidence for net geopolitical benefits. Weaker states may gain from close ties to France, a relationship which can be strategically utilized especially in the context of a multipolar international system. France, meanwhile, gains because it preserves its zone of influence and hence strengthens its claim to Great Power status. These geopolitical dynamics help account for the franc CFA’s perpetuation.

By 2006, Zimbabwe had lost its reputation as a regional agricultural powerhouse and had become a hunger hotspot. Widespread food insecurity and poverty were a reality for Zimbabweans. Hyperinflation further exacerbated the difficulty of accessing basic goods and services. Revisiting the crisis years in Zimbabwe, this paper demonstrates how ordinary Zimbabweans survived and carved out new economic and social enclaves of power. As hunger worsened, food was politicized and weaponized for survival. An informal economy emerged, and various foods, including staple grains (maize, millet, and sorghum), dried fish, sugar, and oils, became a key medium of exchange, replacing the national currency. During the 2000s, food security effectively shaped and reshaped the economic, social, and political landscape across the country.

This study analyzes why political rhetoric fails to translate into policy implementation in Ghana Beyond Aid by comparing it with South Korea’s Five-Year Economic Development Plan through the lens of the Multiple Streams Framework. While both countries experienced a policy window in the decision stage, only Korea sustained implementation through adaptive policy change with attention from policy entrepreneurs. In contrast, Ghana’s agenda regressed into rhetoric and weakened streams, exacerbated by external shocks. The findings offer insights for developing countries pursuing self-reliance strategies, emphasizing the need for flexible policy change and continuous leadership engagement to sustain development initiatives beyond political rhetoric.

Japan’s energy diplomacy in South Asia and Bangladesh is a key component of its broader “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” (FOIP) strategy and “Partnership for Quality Infrastructure” initiative. It is argued that the strategies are intended to ensure energy security, promote sustainable growth, and enhance regional connectivity through significant Official Development Assistance (ODA) and private sector investment. Given that Japan has significantly influenced the power system roadmaps and master plans of Bangladesh through its overseas aid agency, JICA, and various corporations, including major banks. This article, however, critically explores Japan’s corporate involvement in developing Power Sector Master Plans (PSMPs), financing the Matarbari project, and implementing technologies in Bangladesh’s energy sector. Employing perspectives from international political economy (IPE) as the theoretical framework and qualitative methods, the study examines how profit-driven Japanese stakeholders often overshadow Bangladesh’s national interests, sustainability goals, environmental concerns, and social welfare. The findings indicate that corporate interests from Japan frequently outweigh local development priorities, raising concerns about energy security and socioeconomic impacts. Despite these issues, Japan remains a vital partner in Bangladesh’s energy infrastructure development. The study concludes that Japanese corporations must prioritize local interests, consider environmental impacts, and align with Bangladesh’s long-term renewable energy objectives for a more balanced growth trajectory in the energy sector.

This paper analyzes China’s evolving grand strategy by focusing on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and military diplomacy in the Global South. Unlike Washington’s containment approach involving security alliances, Beijing seeks to construct parallel economic and security orders in key regions, including the Middle East, North Africa, and South Asia. Cooperation with Egypt and Pakistan exemplifies this strategy. By integrating BRI infrastructure projects with arms exports, defense cooperation, and joint exercises, China deepens bilateral ties while fostering an alternative security architecture that challenges US dominance and advances a multipolar order.

The submitted article constitutes a rather bold trans-cultural attempt to indicate which aspects of socio-political reality warrant attention if one intends to defend democratic principles. The endeavor is, in a sense, audacious, as the transfer of European experiences of democratic transformations—and of democratic backsliding—to the African continent is fraught with numerous challenges. Nevertheless, it seems worth undertaking such an attempt, particularly in the search for universal regularities, which, as we know, do exist, although they should be regarded more as possibilities than as ready-made prescriptions. The guidelines presented below are, of course, intended for those who consider it meaningful to defend democracy. The article is organized into several parts. The first part addresses foundational theoretical issues, including contemporary alternatives to democracy, challenges of democratic consolidation, economic development and inequality, the role of the state, and models of existing democracies. Parts II through V examine specific developments in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), focusing on early democratic successes, the rise of anti-liberal trends, the impact of institutional design, and unique context-specific phenomena. The conclusion distills broader lessons that African nations may draw from the CEE experience to strengthen democracy and, where necessary, counter democratic backsliding.

This article presents three very diverse countries. The aim of the comparison is to illustrate that, differences notwithstanding, there are similarities in which democratic legitimacy may be maintained, undermined, or restored. Mapping the routes South Africa, Turkey, and Poland took in their respective journeys to democracy, the analyses reveal the multiple and varied challenges their democratic projects have faced since then. What becomes evident is that regardless of the geographic and cultural settings, democracy is never consolidated once and for all but has its ups and downs and may even die, with all three possible scenarios related closely to changing political, economic, and social circumstances both domestically and globally.

Over the past decade, a decline of democratic legitimacy has been observed in many countries across different world regions. The decline has many facets and borderlines due to international crises, the rise of populism, social polarization and institutional weaknesses. Against this background, the paper focusses on aspects of social and institutional trust as it relates to these developments on a worldwide basis. The analyses rely on the comprehensive database provided by seven waves of the World Values Surveys (WVS), an approach that makes it possible to offer a differentiated picture both by world regions and various political system types (Inglehart et al. 2015). The final section assesses the current situation in the context of an increased system competition between liberal democracies and autocratic regimes.

This article examines the evolving political trajectories of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa and the South West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO) in Namibia, two liberation movements that transitioned into dominant ruling parties after independence. While their liberation credentials initially conferred legitimacy and enabled early state-building, their prolonged incumbency has led to the entrenchment of party-state conflation, elite patronage, and institutional stagnation. Through a comparative analysis, the article explores how these liberation legacies have shaped post-colonial state institutions, electoral behaviour, and democratic development in the two countries.

Rohingya women and girls have endured profound violence, deprivation, and statelessness since their mass displacement in 2017. This study employs a qualitative design based on rigorously selected secondary sources to examine the intersecting vulnerabilities shaped by gender norms, political exclusion, and structural inequalities in Bangladesh’s refugee camps. It advances the literature by offering a more integrated causal analysis of how patriarchal practices—including purdah—constrain mobility, limit access to healthcare and education, and perpetuate gender-based violence. The findings demonstrate how socio-cultural norms, humanitarian governance structures, and policy restrictions jointly reproduce women’s marginalization while also highlighting their resilience through community networks and adaptive coping strategies. Recommendations emphasize gender-sensitive reforms, improved legal protections, and enhanced humanitarian accountability.