Here we develop two new social indices: The ADA PARC Absolute Economic Opportunity Index and the ADA PARC Relative Economic Opportunity Index. These indices allow us novel examinations of economic equity between people with and without disabilities within a U.S. State and between people with disabilities in different states using aggregations of multiple component economic indicators. These represent the first efforts to offer U.S. indices of this focus, an important development given the distinct economic needs of people with disabilities and the value in accounting for distinct national policies. The indices rely on U.S. Census and other data on economic opportunity by population. These indices provide comprehensive insight into economic disparities between people with and without disabilities and among people with disabilities in the US. We find that state/territory values for the two indices are moderately positively correlated, suggesting that relative and absolute economic opportunity for people with disabilities arise from both common and distinct processes. Policy implications for low economic opportunity states are discussed.

Abstract The World Health Organization's broad definition of health embraces physical, mental and social well‐being. Expressed in its 1946 constitution alongside concepts of community participation and national sovereignty, it reflected an understanding of a world emerging from centuries of colonialist oppression and the public health industry's shameful facilitation of fascism. Health policy would be people‐centered, closely tied to human rights and self‐determination. The COVID‐19 response has demonstrated how these ideals have been undone. Decades of increasing funding within public‐private partnerships have corroded the basis of global public health. The COVID‐19 response, intended for a virus that overwhelmingly targeted the elderly, ignored norms of epidemic management and human rights to institute a regime of suppression, censorship, and coercion reminiscent of the power systems and governance that were previously condemned. Without pausing to examine the costs, the public health industry is developing international instruments and processes that will entrench these destructive practices in international law. Public health, presented as a series of health emergencies, is being used once again to facilitate a fascist approach to societal management. The beneficiaries will be the corporations and investors whom the COVID‐19 response served well. Human rights and individual freedom, as under previous fascist regimes, will lose. The public health industry must urgently awaken to the changing world in which it works, if it is to adopt a role in saving public health rather than contributing to its degradation.

Abstract In this article, we summarize the geopolitics that keeps Françafrique in place—including residual Cold War antagonisms, extreme economic underdevelopment, the globalized counterterrorism agenda, expanding U.S. military influence in Africa, and last, but perhaps the most important of all, pervasive anti‐Black racism. We then propose a series of grassroots engagements that, if taken by concerned global citizens, could succeed in overcoming this recalcitrant power alignment.

Abstract The CFA franc persists because French elites have mostly followed “territorialist logic” and African elites “capitalist logic” for the last six decades. French governments have conceded to capitalist logic, most dramatically in 1994 with the devaluation of the CFA franc and subsequent introduction of the “Balladur Doctrine.” Similarly, West and Central African governments tried to reorient the CFA franc in a more territorialist (developmentalist) direction in the 1970s. Pressure from the IMF, the World Bank, and the French treasury following the sovereign debt crisis of the 1980s pushed most African leaders to accept neoliberal reform—a reassertion of capitalist logic. Advocates of reforming the West African Economic and Monetary Union are currently trying to push the region's monetary policy in a more territorialist direction. The Franco‐African neocolonial alliance has, so far, successfully suppressed efforts toward greater political and economic autonomy in Africa. The CFA's peg to the euro will therefore persist as long as this alliance does; until France decides to abandon its sphere of influence in Africa or African leaders seek greater autonomy and/or new allies.

Abstract This article explores the roots of the current conflict between the French neocolonial regime in Cameroon and the English‐speaking minority in southern Cameroons, or Ambazonia. It proposes the use of the Gramscian concept of hegemony as the best frame for understanding the specific forms of submission and dominance that are driving this conflict. It analyzes the geopolitical motives that have empowered and continue to enable French hegemony, comparing them to the motives that empowered and enabled the plantation economy in the U.S. South prior to the U.S. Civil War. It explores the range of forms of cultural rebellion taking place against this imposed hegemony, especially in the realms of education and language, including and beyond the Amba uprising.

This article explores the impact of COVID‐19 on the higher education crisis and its implications for workforce preparedness and the future of work. It takes an integrative look at the evolving role of three primary actors involved in higher education: traditional universities, corporate universities, and educational technology companies, before, during, and after the pandemic. We conclude with recommendations for reframing discussions about higher education and workforce preparation to achieve a better balance between the workforce needs of the corporate world and those of society.

Abstract Risk has taken over the world as the major way of conceptualizing the future as bleak, if one follows Ulrich Beck’s claim in World at Risk (2007). However, there is also a distinctly utopian strand in American risk discourse, one that has, from the outset, been linked to feminist perspectives. Indeed, when risk entered American culture in the 19 th century, immediately women’s rights philosophy began to draw on futures shaped by risk, establishing self‐ownership and agency in a context that denied such freedom to women and non‐white men. This article explores connections between risk, futurity, agency, and selfhood as expressed in feminist thought, drawing a line between Margaret Fuller’s political essay Woman in the Nineteenth Century (1845), Joanna Russ’s science fiction novel The Female Man (1975), and Mary Daly’s radical feminist manifesto Quintessence: Realizing the Archaic Future (1998). The aim is not to develop a narrative of development but to see how risk has become useful in shaping distinctly feminist visions of the future. More specifically, I would like to see how risk‐taking has enabled feminist social dreaming. It is precisely this groundedness in risk that allows feminist utopian visions to remain productive in popular culture beyond feminist discourse. When, for example, the movie Alien (1979, dir. Ridley Scott) introduced a female protagonist to a science fiction/horror action plot, it drew on feminist utopian narrative patterns grounded in risk and risk‐taking. Feminist utopian visions as well as their continuations in popular culture thus bring out the subversive potential of risk for feminist theory and practice.

Rest of World), 328 (Europe), 257 (UK

Mary Shelley was an early feminist writer, but she has not been recognized as such because of profound misinterpretation of her final novel, The Last Man. Set in the years 2090–2100, the novel is about a plague that obliterates humanity aside from the protagonist, Lionel Verney. As his family and friends perish, Verney journeys alone, and begins to experience psychological and literary anxiety. The novel failed within the conventions of female romance novels of the early 19th century, a category in which it is still often pigeon‐holed. But as the first modern work of apocalyptic fiction, which created a genre now dominated by Stephen King, it was a huge success, for which Mary Shelley is seldom credited. By critically analyzing the novel’s treatment of anxiety of illness and authorship in terms of psychoanalytic theory and juxtaposing these concepts with a long‐standing feminist approach, this article suggests that Mary Shelley’s literary innovations will remain influential in the continuously growing genre of post‐apocalyptic literature in the 20th and 21st centuries. Thematically, the novel also presents a new feminist vision of history, a millennial conflict that requires us to look forward and backward simultaneously. It is also about new ways of recognizing the authority of the female voice in that history, which is normally displaced by the insistence on male authority that comes from historical lineage. The Last Man contests that lineage by showing how apocalyptic narratives can reframe our sense of time and authority.