Abstract

Chru, a Chamic language of south-central Vietnam, has been described as combining contrastive obstruent voicing with incipient registral properties (Fuller, 1977). A production study reveals that obstruent voicing has already become optional and that the voicing contrast has been transphonologized into a register contrast based primarily on vowel height (F1). An identification study shows that perception roughly matches production in that F1 is the main perceptual cue associated with the contrast. Structured variation in production suggests a sound change still in progress: While younger speakers largely rely on vowel height to produce the register contrast, older male speakers maintain a variety of secondary properties, including optional closure voicing. Our results shed light on the initial stages of register formation and challenge the claim that register languages must go through a stage in which breathiness or aspiration is the primary contrastive property (Haudricourt, 1965; Wayland & Jongman, 2002; Thurgood, 2002). This article also complements several recent studies about the transphonologization of voicing in typologically diverse languages (Svantesson & House, 2006; Howe, 2017; Coetzee, Beddor, Shedden, Styler, & Wissing, 2018).

Highlights

  • Recent studies have revealed several cases of transphonologization of laryngeal contrasts in languages as diverse as Kammu, Malagasy, and Afrikaans (Svantesson & House, 2006; Howe, 2017; Coetzee et al, 2018)

  • Chru was described by Fuller (1977) as having a voicing contrast accompanied by redundant register, and was chosen as it could inform us about the earliest stages of register formation, when voicing is still contrastive but is gradually enhanced by non-automatic, or extrinsic, register properties (Hyman, 1976)

  • On the other hand, have a slightly higher F1 at vowel onset in the high register, but this effect is never large enough to be heard as an onglide

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Summary

Introduction

Recent studies have revealed several cases of transphonologization of laryngeal contrasts in languages as diverse as Kammu, Malagasy, and Afrikaans (Svantesson & House, 2006; Howe, 2017; Coetzee et al, 2018). In these languages, low-level f0 perturbations induced by onset voicing or aspiration have become contrastive as VOT-based contrasts were neutralized, providing apparent-time evidence for a process that was diachronically and phonetically well-established (House & Fairbanks, 1953; Haudricourt, 1954; Hyman, 1976; Hombert, Ohala, & Ewan, 1979).

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