The impact of geopolitical processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina on urban development and cultural identity

With the continuous advancements in the fields of architecture and urbanization, the old fabrics of cities have undergone significant changes. New urbanization in many Iranian cities, including Khoy, has had notable effects on their old and historical fabrics. These effects encompass physical, social, and cultural changes. Concerning Khoy city and its historical market, new urbanization measures have posed challenges in preserving its historical and cultural identity. The rapid expansion of the city and the establishment of new infrastructures around the historical fabric have exerted substantial pressure on the market and the old fabric. In this context, new constructions, changes in land use types, and alterations in urban transportation routes have had significant impacts on the appearance and functionality of Khoy Market. These changes have, in some cases, resulted in damage to historical buildings and created social gaps between old and new residents. Additionally, the increase in vehicle traffic and the expansion of commercial activities in adjacent areas have diminished tourism attractiveness and disrupted the traditional functioning of the market. This article employs a library method and, in some instances, field study to examine these developments and impacts, emphasizing the importance of integrating modern urbanization with the preservation of historical artifacts and indigenous culture in the urban development process. In recent decades, new urbanization and urban developments have had significant effects on this fabric. This article explores these impacts and new urbanization measures in Khoy.

Сучасна економіка пов'язана з індустріалізацією, розвитком міст і нових технологій. Нова реальність - це коли валовий внутрішній продукт (ВВП) окремих міст, регіонів чи районів є більшим за його значення для деяких розвинутих країн світу, а щільність населення у такому регіоні збільшується в кілька разів за рік. Усе це формує нову економічну ситуацію, а саме, економіку пов'язану з містом як урбаністичним центром. У подальшому варто зосередити основну увагу на дослідженні факторів, які визначають успішні міста, як міста, що постійно розвиваються. Також необхідно дослідити, які економічні фактори є домінуючими у нових центрах, у противагу класичному підходу. Автори вважають доцільним дослідити також сукупність екологічних чинників, нерухомість у приміських зонах, адже вони впливають на приріст чи зменшення росту населення, і у подальшому можуть мати значну вагу при розвитку міста в урбаністичний центр. За результатами проведених досліджень, ми вважаємо за доцільне представити нове визначення поняття терміну урбанізація, базуючись на дослідженнях та гіпотезах, а також фокусуючи основну увагу на економічних факторах. Ключові слова : урбанізація, землекористування, економіка, екологія, сучасні проблеми міст.

The unique arts-and-crafts tradition of the American Southwest illuminates this economic and social history of colonial New Mexico, casting new light on the development of New Mexico's Hispanic community and its changing relationship with Pueblo Indians. Ross Frank's analysis of Pueblo Indian pottery, Pueblo and Spanish blankets, and Spanish religious images - or santos - links economic change to social and cultural change in this region. Using these cultural artifacts to gauge shifts in power and status, Frank charts the creation of a culturally innovative and dominating Hispanic settler - or vecino - community during the final decades of the eighteenth century. Contrary to previous views of this period as an economic backwater, Frank shows that Spanish New Mexico instead experienced growth that tied the region closely to colonial economic reforms of the Spanish empire. The resulting economic boom dramatically altered the balance of power between the Spanish settlers and the Pueblo Indians, giving the vecinos the incentive and the means to exploit their Pueblo Indian neighbors. Frank shows that the vecinos used different strategies to take control of the Pueblo textile and pottery trade. The Hispanic community began to define its cultural identity through the economic and social subordination of the Pueblo Indians. Connecting economic change to powerful cultural and social changes, Frank provides a new understanding of this 'borderlands' region of northern New Spain in relatoin to the Spanish colonial history of Mexico. At the same time, From Settler to Citizen recovers the previously unexplored history of an important Hispanic community.

Trend Analysis of Evolution in the Socio-Cultural Structures of the Peri Urban Villages (Case Study: Saqqez City -Kurdistan Province)

Globalization and Socio-Cultural Change in Qatar

<div> <div> <div> <p>The Lombok earthquake of August 2018 killed approximately 555, injured 1400, and displaced 353.000 people. With Indonesia being vulnerable to natural disaster due to its geographic location, events like these are not uncommon. However, this event was significantly different from the majority of disasters in the Indonesian archipelago. The difference pertains to how the communities researched in this thesis, coped with the adversity they had experienced and how they showed resilience in a unique way.</p> <p>A disaster drastically ushers in a liminal period wherein its victims are forced to rethink certain aspects of social life, give meaning to what has happened, and determine how to rebuild society sustainably.</p> <p>This thesis argues that going back to a pre-disaster state of society is not possible, due to the lived experiences during the disaster and aftermath. Instead of going back, the culture of response of the Indonesian government (and the NGOs and communities) on which this thesis is focused, started a process towards Dyer’s Phoenix Effect.</p> <p>This thesis explores the cultural, social, and organizational changes in post-disaster Lombok, which make the occurrence of the Phoenix Effect likely. (1) Cultural changes constitute the explanations for the earthquake from different religious perspectives and the resurgence of traditionally embedded building strategies. (2) Social changes equate to the reinvention of gotong royong from being a state-philosophy to an embedded set of mutual help. (3) Organizational changes, signify biopolitics of disaster management of the Indonesian government, the role of NGOs, and the emergence of peoples’ initiatives in order to become more resilient.</p> <p>This thesis concludes that the possibility of the Phoenix Effect is likely, if the involved communities can maintain their cultural, organizational, and social changes sustainably.</p> </div> </div> </div>

Urban development after the Bosnian War: The division of Sarajevo's territory and the construction of East Sarajevo

Reviewed by: Open Houses: Poverty, the Novel, and the Architectural Idea in Nineteenth-Century Britain by Barbara Leckie, and: Dickens and Demolition: Literary Afterlives and Mid-Nineteenth-Century Urban Development by Joanna Hofer-Robinson Sarah Bilston (bio) Open Houses: Poverty, the Novel, and the Architectural Idea in Nineteenth-Century Britain, by Barbara Leckie; pp. 303. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018, $79.95, £66.00. Dickens and Demolition: Literary Afterlives and Mid-Nineteenth-Century Urban Development, by Joanna Hofer-Robinson; pp. 264. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2018, £75.00, £24.99 paper, $110.00, $39.95 paper. London still draws our fascinated eye. Like Dante Gabriel Rossetti's Jenny, looking for the city through the "blown grass," we seek out and try to make sense of a London at once real and mythical, a city that exists beneath the feet as well as on the page, in song and dreams and cultural memory (The Collected Works of Dante Gabriel Rossetti, edited by William Rossetti, vol. 1 [Ellis and Elvey, 1890], 131). Generations of historians have explored and cataloged London's buildings, infrastructure, demographics, and, more recently, its heterogeneous communities, its startling "congregation of diversity" (as Roy Porter put it in London: A Social History [Hamish Hamilton, 1994], 10). More recently, scholars like Erika Rappaport have turned to how, in the face of London's multiplicity, the idea of a city was produced discursively and in daily practices such as shopping and travel. Barbara Leckie's Open Houses: Poverty, the Novel, and the Architectural Idea in Nineteenth-Century Britain and Joanna Hofer-Robinson's Dickens and Demolition: Literary Afterlives and Mid-Nineteenth-Century Urban Development make sense afresh of London, beginning with a deep appreciation of the place of their scholarship in a tradition that can feel almost as vast, venerable, and complex as the city itself. Both writers focus specifically on the part the novel played in dissecting nineteenth-century urban and [End Page 348] architectural problems. Hofer-Robinson sees Dickensian tropes playing a crucial role in effecting real-world transformations, while Leckie explores three well-known novels that, she contends, respond to the failure of documentary writings to bring about social and architectural reform. Leckie's meticulously researched text is especially interested in the gaze—the fascinated, exploratory eye—and in how what was seen was framed to give impetus to architectural reform movements. The first two chapters of Open Houses work on a granular level to uncover the politics of nineteenth-century architectural debates, specifically those concerning the housing of the poor. Leckie points out that key social reformers produced detailed documentary examinations of housing interiors as a means of inspiring empathetic interest in the populace. Many reformers were also motivated, she adds, by a commitment to "the architectural idea," the theory that the built environment directly influences human lives and that advances in architecture can produce demonstrable social improvement (5). "Looking into" poor home interiors and encouraging readers to look, too, enabled (or was thought to enable) urban reforms that would better the health, well-being, and prospects of the residents (6). Yet, as Leckie argues, the act of "looking inside" called attention to the disturbing permeability of the boundary between inside and outside in low-income areas, problematizing the business of the exposé; perhaps what was seen was not so hidden after all, in which case what was the business of looking really worth (32)? Writers increasingly evinced doubt about the exposé's ability to generate change, and it is here that Leckie makes some of her most provocative claims, suggesting that the novel's evolution may have been directly shaped by a growing loss of faith in the exposé's potential: "frustrated by the lack of traction the documentary exposé approach was getting," Leckie suggests, novelists began "to see their genre as offering an alternative approach to petitions for social reform" (18). Locating "the discourse on housing [as] a central and shaping component" of the mid-century novel (19), Open Houses seeks to return heated discussion about the housing of the poor to our understanding of three well-known fictions: Charles Dickens's Bleak House (1852–53), George Eliot's Middlemarch (1871), and Henry James...

Urban sustainable development efficiency towards the balance between nature and human well-being: Connotation, measurement, and assessment

In order to usher positive social change and reform, social work needs to first understand the dynamics of rapid social change and then initiate various measures for constructive change. Social development should aim to benefit as many people as possible and not just the privileged few. This paper suggests different approaches which can be adopted by professional social workers to bring about community betterment.

More Is Required of Us: Complicating an Ontology of Experience at the Heart of Community-Based Research

Beyond the Medical Model: The Culture Change Revolution in Long-Term Care

Our knowledge is still insufficient to allow us to assess the overall significance of the mestizo in Philippine history. But on the basis of what we now know we can make some generalizations and some hypotheses for future study. It is clear, in the first place, that the activities I have described are those of Chinese mestizos – not Spanish mestizos. While the Chinese mestizo population in the Philippines exceeded 200,000 by the late nineteenth century, the Spanish mestizo population was probably never more than 35,000. Furthermore, those who commented at all on the Spanish mestizo noted that he was interested in military matters or the “practical arts” – never in commerce. The aptitudes and attitudes of the Chinese mestizo were in sharp contrast to this.Secondly, the Chinese mestizo rose to prominence between 1741 and 1898, primarily as a landholder and a middleman wholesaler of local produce and foreign imports, although there were also mestizos in the professions. The rise of the mestizos implies the existence of social change during the Spanish period, a condition that has been ignored or implicitly denied by many who have written about the Philippines. It needs to be emphasized that the mestizo impact was greatest in Central Luzon, Cebu, and Iloilo. We cannot as yet generalize about other areas.Third, the renewal of Chinese immigration to the Philippines resulted in diversion of mestizo energies away from commerce, so that the mestizos lost their change to become a native middle class, a position then taken over by the Chinese.Fourth, the Chinese mestizos in the Philippines possessed a unique combination of cultural characteristics. Lovers of ostentation, ardent devotees of Spanish Catholicism – they seemed almost more Spanish than the Spanish, more Catholic than the Catholics. Yet with those characteristics they combined a financial acumen that seemed out of place. Rejecters of their Chinese heritage, they were not completely at home with their indio heritage. The nearest approximation to them was the urbanized, heavily-hispanized indio. Only when hispanization had reached a high level in the nineteenth century urban areas could the mestizo find a basis of rapport with the indio. Thus, during the late nineteenth century, because of cultural, economic, and social changes, the mestizos increasingly identified themselves with the indios. in a new kind of “Filipino” cultural and national consensus.Those are my conclusions. Here are some hypotheses, which I hope will stimulate further study:1. That today's Filipino elite is made up mostly of the descendants of indios and mestizos who rose to prominence on the basis of commercial agriculture in the lattetf part of the Spanish period. That in some respects the latter part of the Spanish period was a time of greater social change, in terms of the formation of contemporary Philippine society, than the period since 1898 has been.2. That in the process of social change late in the Spanish period it was the mestizo, as a marginal element, not closely tied to a village or town, who acted as a kind of catalytic agent. In this would be included the penetration of money economy into parts of the Philippines. There were areas where the only persons with money were the provincial governors and the mestizos.3. That the Chinese mestizo was an active agent of hispanization and the leading force in creating a Filipino culture characteristic now of Manila and the larger towns.4. That much of the background explanation of the Philippine Revolution may be found by investigating the relationships between landowning religious orders, mestizo inquilinos, and indio kasamahan laborers.It is my hope that these hypotheses may stimulate investigation into this important topic which can tell us so much about economic, social, and cultural change during- the Spanish period of Philippine history.

Public houses have long served an important social role in the United Kingdom, yet in recent decades the conditions under which they operate have changed dramatically. While research has examined adaptations in the pub sector, there is little analysis of how this relates to social change as experienced in the lives of individuals and communities. Pubs are therefore a useful topic of sociological inquiry. Using focus groups data, this article examines how people experience the changing form and function of pubs reveals insights into perceptions of social change. Findings show that participants were aware of how pub culture has changed over recent decades and that this was linked to perceptions of wider social and cultural changes in society. Talking about pub going was a means to express dynamic feelings of belonging and attachment, particularly where they arise at the intersection of personal life changes and wider social transformations.

Our knowledge is still insufficient to allow us to assess the overall significance of the mestizo in Philippine history. But on the basis of what we now know we can make some generalizations and some hypotheses for future study. It is clear, in the first place, that the activities I have described are those of Chinese mestizos – not Spanish mestizos. While the Chinese mestizo population in the Philippines exceeded 200,000 by the late nineteenth century, the Spanish mestizo population was probably never more than 35,000. Furthermore, those who commented at all on the Spanish mestizo noted that he was interested in military matters or the “practical arts” – never in commerce. The aptitudes and attitudes of the Chinese mestizo were in sharp contrast to this.Secondly, the Chinese mestizo rose to prominence between 1741 and 1898, primarily as a landholder and a middleman wholesaler of local produce and foreign imports, although there were also mestizos in the professions. The rise of the mestizos implies the existence of social change during the Spanish period, a condition that has been ignored or implicitly denied by many who have written about the Philippines. It needs to be emphasized that the mestizo impact was greatest in Central Luzon, Cebu, and Iloilo. We cannot as yet generalize about other areas.Third, the renewal of Chinese immigration to the Philippines resulted in diversion of mestizo energies away from commerce, so that the mestizos lost their change to become a native middle class, a position then taken over by the Chinese.Fourth, the Chinese mestizos in the Philippines possessed a unique combination of cultural characteristics. Lovers of ostentation, ardent devotees of Spanish Catholicism – they seemed almost more Spanish than the Spanish, more Catholic than the Catholics. Yet with those characteristics they combined a financial acumen that seemed out of place. Rejecters of their Chinese heritage, they were not completely at home with their indio heritage. The nearest approximation to them was the urbanized, heavily-hispanized indio. Only when hispanization had reached a high level in the nineteenth century urban areas could the mestizo find a basis of rapport with the indio. Thus, during the late nineteenth century, because of cultural, economic, and social changes, the mestizos increasingly identified themselves with the indios. in a new kind of “Filipino” cultural and national consensus.Those are my conclusions. Here are some hypotheses, which I hope will stimulate further study:1. That today's Filipino elite is made up mostly of the descendants of indios and mestizos who rose to prominence on the basis of commercial agriculture in the lattetf part of the Spanish period. That in some respects the latter part of the Spanish period was a time of greater social change, in terms of the formation of contemporary Philippine society, than the period since 1898 has been.2. That in the process of social change late in the Spanish period it was the mestizo, as a marginal element, not closely tied to a village or town, who acted as a kind of catalytic agent. In this would be included the penetration of money economy into parts of the Philippines. There were areas where the only persons with money were the provincial governors and the mestizos.3. That the Chinese mestizo was an active agent of hispanization and the leading force in creating a Filipino culture characteristic now of Manila and the larger towns.4. That much of the background explanation of the Philippine Revolution may be found by investigating the relationships between landowning religious orders, mestizo inquilinos, and indio kasamahan laborers.It is my hope that these hypotheses may stimulate investigation into this important topic which can tell us so much about economic, social, and cultural change during- the Spanish period of Philippine history.