The Function of Color Language; Part I

The term ‘Privacy’ is derived from the Latin word ‘Privatus’ which means separated from the rest. Though it is a variable concept and varies with cultural or social context, but actually it means, the right to be left alone. The need for Privacy is to create a balance between individual and social interests, which is equally applicable to past, present and future society. In this sense, the necessity of Privacy was found in the dawn of human civilization. The idea of Privacy is as old as Biblical periods. Also, the growth and expansion of Privacy varied according to the variation in different stages of human civilization. Hence, the description of origin and history of Right to Privacy should proceed from the ancient period to the modern period. In fact, the idea of Privacy was originated in the animal society and gradually it has been incorporated into the human society. The idea of Privacy, which was originated in the animal society, has been adopted in the primitive human society, where the traces of it were first found. According to different Anthropological studies, the idea of Privacy varied in respect of different primitive societies. With the evolution of primitive society to ancient society and then gradually to modern society, the idea of Privacy has been developed to get its present shape. The root of Privacy and its protection is embedded in the history of human civilization, which is characterized specially by transformation of primitive society into modern society. The social transformation has increased both the physical and psychological opportunities for Privacy and also proved to be fruitful for conversion of these opportunities into choices of values in the context of socio-political reality. Social transformation is the responsible factor for changing nature of Privacy as well as the changing character of Privacy violations from primitive societies to modern societies

The term ‘Privacy’ is derived from the Latin word ‘Privatus’ which means separated from the rest. Though it is a variable concept and varies with cultural or social context, but actually it means, the right to be left alone. The need for Privacy is to create a balance between individual and social interests, which is equally applicable to past, present and future society. In this sense, the necessity of Privacy was found in the dawn of human civilization. The idea of Privacy is as old as Biblical periods. Also, the growth and expansion of Privacy varied according to the variation in different stages of human civilization. Hence, the description of origin and history of Right to Privacy should proceed from the ancient period to the modern period. In fact, the idea of Privacy was originated in the animal society and gradually it has been incorporated into the human society. The idea of Privacy, which was originated in the animal society, has been adopted in the primitive human society, where the traces of it were first found. According to different Anthropological studies, the idea of Privacy varied in respect of different primitive societies. With the evolution of primitive society to ancient society and then gradually to modern society, the idea of Privacy has been developed to get its present shape. The root of Privacy and its protection is embedded in the history of human civilization, which is characterized specially by transformation of primitive society into modern society. The social transformation has increased both the physical and psychological opportunities for Privacy and also proved to be fruitful for conversion of these opportunities into choices of values in the context of socio- political reality. Social transformation is the responsible factor for changing nature of Privacy as well as the changing character of Privacy violations from primitive societies to modern societies. Keywords. Fundamental Rights, Part III, Art. 21, 19, 14. Case Laws & USA & UK Constitution.

General presuppositions and/or theoretical affiliations and influences: functionalism, history as a process of social differentiation; Auguste Comte, Wilhelm Wundt, Georg Simmel, American Pragmatism. Model/paradigm(s): primitive and modern society. Concepts: mechanical solidarity (under the conditions of a minimal division of labour, no developed forms of individuality, enforced collective rules and repressive forms in primitive society); organic solidarity (under the conditions of a highly developed division of labour, developed forms of subjectivity, with voluntary associations and the internalisation of norms in a modern society); anomie. Empirical environment(s): France, modern Continental Europe.

My purpose is to point up the significance of some of the very earliest forms of ritual behaviour manifested in human ontogeny. These occur within the context of the early mother-infant relationship and, because in fact any aspect of the interactions between mother and infant may become ritualized, I must first distinguish between two broad kinds of ritual behaviour in this context. Both may be said to be patterns of behaviour which occur with great regularity and little deviation in specific kinds of situation. The first kind are essentially culturally prescribed and consist of maternal care-taking practices that show a rigidity and conformity in both form and repetitiveness that may far exceed the requirements for mutual personal adjustment between the infant and his mother. These ritualized practices, in both primitive and modern societies, are all methods of coping with the young infant’s helplessness, fragility and susceptibility to illness, and their prime function has to do with promoting the infant’s immediate survival. Among primitive societies, for example, one of the commonest sources of ritual practice by mothers is ‘evil-eye’ (e.g. Romney & Romney 1963). This arises from the infant being stared at by witches or by other women who may be jealous of the infant. Its symptoms may be vomiting or fever, and death may ensue. Various protective practices are adopted by mothers in different societies: for example, putting a black dot on the baby’s temple or foot, putting scissors or crossed sticks at the head or foot of the crib to cut any evil powers, or putting a string of nuts around the baby’s waist to ward off any evil. In our own society, one of the most widespread care-taking rituals is scheduled feeding according to the clock, which is still often maintained with the strictest regularity and rigidity

Introduction. The article is devoted to the problem of the emergence and formation of personality in the process of ontogeny and phylogenies. Methods. This issue is still open. The answers to it fit within the framework of three main research paradigms: the evolutionary (labor) theory, the creationist (human created by God) and the theory of extraterrestrial origin of human (intelligent life is brought to our planet from outer space). Supporters of each approach advocate arguments in favor of their theories. Discussion and Results. The authors’ point of view is that a person is a system of spiritual, psychological and socio-spiritual properties of a person, which, genetically based on natural inclinations and properties, is individually formed and manifested in different types of activity and social relations. Ontologically the personality of the individual is formed in a modern society, approximately by 14 years. At the same time, he or she goes through the processes of socialization and acculturation. Phylogenetically, the personality arose in a primitive society. The distinctive features of the individual and the primitive and civilized societies are considered. It is stated that the alienation of the individual elements are preserved in modern society. Conclusion. Thus, summing up, we can state that the person first emerged in primitive society with the emergence and formation of social relations and ties, the primary carrier and agent of which was the personality of the primitive communal human.

在第一章的部份中，主要以釐清布希亞在思考邏輯與寫作模式上之來源與架構。首先便概述了結構語言學與結構主義對布希亞帶來之影響。接續闡述了布希亞在作品中援引之人類學論述來源，包括了贈與制度、誇富宴、庫拉儀式等。並且概略分析了布希亞在思想上發展至《象徵交換與死亡》一書前，於「社會學思想發展」時期及「馬克思主義思想批判」時期中，思考邏輯之演變過程。 第二章的部份便是以《象徵交換與死亡》為主要研究重點。除了介紹布希亞的「切割系統」理論外，此章亦透過布希亞的論述，找出並比較在原始社會與現代社會之間，人們面對死刑、屍體、死亡等事件之反應；同時找出在此些事件中，「象徵交換」是以何種形式存在，並闡述布希亞提及之「死亡衝動」的論述觀點。接續分析在原始社會中之象徵交換，將之與現代社會中之經濟交換相互比較。 第三章延續了第二章的理論，分析了布希亞將「象徵交換」理論運用在現代社會中之論點，找出在性、裸露、色情中，「象徵交換」存在的方式。最後透過分析「符號」、「符碼」、「時尚」、「商品拜物教」與「廣告」等元素，以瞭解在布希亞的論述中，現代消費社會是以什麼樣的方式所建構成。接續從台灣的原住民族社會開始討論起，列舉幾項台灣原住民於日常生活的風俗中，具有象徵性交換行為之例子，如：「獵首」儀式、成巫儀式、黥面與刺青，以及檳榔於原住民祭儀中所佔有的重要地位。最後論述現代台灣社會中，與象徵交換相對應的消費社會：透過分析檳榔西施、電子花車與兩個廣告系列，來找出台灣廣告中回收自傳統及原住民等層面之符號。

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In a modern society, conflict between people is frequently defined as crime and is handled by officials of the state such as police, prosecutors, and judges. It is taken for granted that ordinary citizens must turn to law for help [1]. This mode of social control has several distinctive consequences: it dramatizes the deviant character of an offense, for example [2], and it may escalate hostility between the parties involved [3]. Its patterns of detection and other procedures also affect the nature and distribution of crime itself, making some kinds of conduct in some places more vulnerable to observation and intervention, leaving other kinds in other places relatively immune. Finally, for the offender, law tends to be more stigmatizing and disabling than other social control and so may even render future conformity less likely [4]. If, however, people were to engage in more self-help rather than relying so heavily upon law, that is, if they were to exercise more social control on their own, a different kind of public order would prevail [5]. In the nature of the case, many incidents would effectively be decriminalized, since they would no longer be formally defined and handled as criminal, and beyond this, many patterns of conduct themselves would surely change in response to new risks and opportunities. In this paper, we specify several conditions under which self help flourishes and suggest a number of techniques by which it might be stimulated. Self-help is by no means a new phenomenon. Rather, it is a social practice which has been commonplace in many settings, and which is present to some degree nearly everywhere. It is a quantitative variable, which may be greater in one place and weaker in another. Historically, for instance, the degree of self-help has been highest in primitive societies, in bands and tribes, and has declined progressively with social evolution and the growth of law [6], Within modern societies as well, some groups of people engage significantly in self-help even to the point of organized vigilantism while others are more dependent upon legal control [7]. The same individuals may have recourse to self-help upon some occasions and turn to law upon others [8J. It might also be noted that, like law, self-help has both preventive and remedial aspects, and these vary quantitatively and to some degree independently across social locations. The problem is to isolate the conditions which permit us to predict and explain variation of this kind. Developments in the theory of law and in the theory of altruism, or helping behavior, provide useful perspectives on this topic. The theory of law is relevant since self-help, like other non-legal social control, generally varies inversely with law [9], and what predicts the one may therefore predict the other in a pattern of opposition. The theory of altruism is relevant as well, since the exercise of informal social control by one person on behalf of another, including his or her Donald Black is Professor and Chair, Department of Sociology, University of Virginia. M.P. Baumgartner is Assistant Professor of Sociology, Rutgers University, New Brunswick.

The source of social life, according to Durkheim, is the similitude of consciousnesses and the division of labor. The former is best evident among primitive societies where a "mechanical solidarity" evidenced by repressive law, prevails; the latter in advanced societies where populations evidence greater "dynamic density," and juridical rules define the nature and relations of functions. In combating individualism and basing the existence of societies on a "consensus of parts," Durkheim refutes his positivistic emphasis which denies the relevance of ends to a scientific study of society. In his discussion of social ends is a latent anti-mechanistic trend. The theory of unilinear development is established on deficient ethnographic data. It assumes the absence of division of labor among primitive societies and of any "mechanical solidarity" among modern societies. Repressive and restitutive law Durkheim seeks to use as indexes of mechanical and organic solidarity, but he does not establish with any precision the perfect associations which he assumes obtain between his types of solidarity and of law.

The source of social life, according to Durkheim, is the similitude of consciousnesses and the division of labor. The former is best evident among primitive societies where a “mechanical solidarity,” evidenced by repressive law, prevails; the latter in advanced societies where populations evidence greater “dynamic density,” and juridical rules define the nature and relations of functions. In combating individualism and basing the existence of societies on a “consensus of parts,” Durkheim refutes his positivistic emphasis which denies the relevance of ends to a scientific study of society. In his discussion of social ends is a latent anti-mechanistic trend. The theory of unilinear development is established on deficient ethnographic data. It assumes the absence of division of labor among primitive societies and of any “mechanical solidarity” among modern societies. Repressive and restitutive law Durkheim seeks to use as indexes of mechanical and organic solidarity, but he does not establish with any precision the perfect associations which he assumes obtain between his types of solidarity and of law.

Surveillance has notably increased in the last decades of modern society. Surveillance studies scholars like David Lyon (1994) or Clive Norris and Gary Armstrong (1999) stress that we live in a surveillance society. Although there are a lot of other features in contemporary society, such as information, neoliberalism, globalization, or capitalism, surveillance in general and Internet surveillance in particular are crucial phenomena. For instance, web 2.0 activities, such as creating profi les and sharing ideas on Facebook, announcing personal messages on Twitter, uploading or watching videos on YouTube, and writing personal entries on Blogger, all enable the collection, analyses, and sale of personal data by commercial web platforms. The overall aim of this chapter is to clarify how we can theorize and systemize such phenomena. Lyon (1998, 95; 2003b, 163) emphasizes that economic surveillance on the Internet, such as monitoring consumers or the workplace, is a central aspect of modern surveillance societies. The approach that is advanced in this chapter recognizes the importance of the role of the economy in contemporary surveillance societies. To do so, the following thematically grouped research questions are subjects of this contribution:

Crime is a pathological social phenomenon of a universal character. Regardless of the degree of development and the form of organization of social community, crime is omnipresent. Viewed through the prism of the historical development of human civilization, the phenomenological features, forms and structure of crime changed over time. In addition to the existing incriminations, new forms of crime appear; concurrently, crimes that have been incriminated for a certain period cease to be prohibited and/or sanctioned. These processes are dynamic and not exclusively related to the temporal dimension; they depend on the level of development, tradition and culture, economic, legal and political system of individual states. The characteristic of the contemporary post-modern society is the emergence of a new form of criminality - cybercrime. As an inevitable consequence of the digital age and the application of information technologies in all aspects of social life, cybercrime entails new forms of criminal behavior resulting from the mass use and abuse of new technologies (computers, computer systems, electronic communication devices, the global network - Internet), as well as traditional offenses committed by using a computer. The provision of new criminal offences envisaged to provide protection of computer data security are only a small part of efforts to counteract cyber crime, particularly given the fact that computers are a potential tool for the execution of other criminal offenses. According to typology provided in the criminal law literature, cybercrime is most often studied as part of crimes against property. However, in addition to propertyrelated criminal offences, the distinctive featu­res and autonomy of the committed crimes show that cybercrime includes criminal offences which are traditionally part of general, political, economic or violent crimes. The paper provides analysis of the phenomenon of cybercrime and its specific features. The author discusses the challenges that have to be addressed by the modern society: the dynamic development of ample forms of cybercrime, the erosion of spatial and temporal boundaries in execution of these crimes, the specific profile of the perpetrators, the problems in detecting and proving these crimes, the high 'dark figure' and the massive exposure to victimization. The contemporary society has to provide an adequate response to all these issues.

In recent years, social theory has become increasingly concerned with consump tion and the changing nature of consumer society. By contrast, students of organizations have given only limited attention to the implications of consump tion and consumerism for the analysis of their subject matter. In the light of this, the paper considers the contribution that the sociology of organizations can and should make to discussions of consumption and associated debates concerning contemporary consumer society. Our argument is that since in contemporary societies, consumption is achieved through the mediation of organizations it fol lows that an adequate study of consumption can only be developed in conjunction with the sociology of organizations. However, it is also the case that the analysis of organizations must change if it is to take the issue of consumption seriously. By placing consumption more centrally in our analysis, the study of organizations is, in our view, forced to address current theoretical and empirical questions about the nature of modern (or is it post-modern?) society, a task that is sometimes ignored by organizational analysts but is implicit in the tradition of study deriving from Weber. The paper seeks to show how these changes open up fruitful new areas for the study of organizations and consumption and, in particular. questions concerning the nature of power and identity in modern societies.

Spend time in New York City and, soon enough, you will encounter some of the Japanese nationals who live and work there--young English students, office workers, painters, and hairstylists. New York City, one of the world's most vibrant and cities, is also home to one of the largest overseas Japanese populations in the world. Among them are artists and designers who produce cutting-edge work in fields such as design, fashion, music, and art. Part of the so-called creative class and a growing segment of the neoliberal economy, they are usually middle-class and college-educated. They move to New York for anywhere from a few years to several decades in the hope of realising dreams and aspirations unavailable to them in Japan. Yet the careers they desire are competitive, and many end up working illegally in precarious, low paying jobs. Though they often migrate without fixed plans for return, nearly all eventually do, and their migrant trajectories are punctuated by visits home. Japanese New York offers an intimate, ethnographic portrait of these Japanese migrants living and working in NYC. At its heart is a universal question--how do adults reinvent their lives? In the absence of any material or social need, what makes worthwhile for people to abandon middle-class comfort and home for an unfamiliar and insecure life? Author Olga Sooudi explores these questions in four different venues patronized by New York's Japanese: a grocery store and restaurant, where hopeful migrants work part-time as they pursue their ambitions; a fashion designer's atelier and an art gallery, both sites of migrant aspirations. As Sooudi's migrant artists toil and network, biding time until they make it in their chosen industries, their optimism is complicated by the material and social limitations of their lives. The story of Japanese migrants in NYC is both a story about Japan and a way of examining Japan from beyond its borders. The Japanese presence abroad, a dynamic process involving the moving, settling, and return to Japan of people and their cultural products, is still underexplored. Sooudi's work will help fill this lacuna and will contribute to international migration studies, to the study of contemporary Japanese culture and society, and to the study of Japanese youth, while shedding light on what means to be a migrant worker in the global city today.

This chapter outlines the current status of evidence-based practice within homeopathy in the UK and touches on some of the key issues around concepts such as research and evidence. It draws on data collected as part of a grounded theory study of the practice of professional UK homeopaths when treating Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) in children. The full grounded theory "getting to the heart of the case" can be found in (Heirs 2012), while this chapter focuses on the issue of research and the use of evidence in practice.