Abstract
Abstract Attempting to interpret palatalization of the feminine marker -at to -ay in the Shammari dialect of Najd, Putten (2017) assumes that such change constitutes evidence that this dialect cannot be derived histori-cally from Classical Arabic, and that its development did not participate in the at > ah change in all positions. In this response, I view this change to follow the same path Classical Arabic came across, but with an additional internal change peculiar to this variety. I argue for an intermediate stage of -at > -ah > -ay in the Shammari dialect of Najd. Therefore, I consider this phenomenon an initial stage of imāla (an incipient imāla) wherein palatalization diffuses within certain lexically-conditioned categories.
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