Race Differences in Filial Responsibility Expectations among Older Parents

Abstract

Gary R. Lee Bowling Green State University Chuck W. Peek University of Florida* Raymond T. Coward University of New Hampshire** This study examines race differences in extent to which older parents believe that parents are entitled to support from their children. Bivariate analyses show that Blacks have higher filial responsibility expectations than do Whites, and difference is only marginally attenuated by controls for sociodemographic and other factors. The results provide tentative evidence of a difference between Blacks and Whites, which is consistent with differences in observed levels of support from children and other descendants. In addition, neither higher expectations for assistance from children nor higher levels of actual assistance appear to deter parents in need front utilizing formal service providers. Key Words: aging, filial responsibility, intergenerational relations, race. A long tradition in social sciences argues that Blacks have larger and more active support networks than do Whites and that kin play a stronger role in these networks among Blacks (Burton et al., 1995; Gibson, 1982; Gibson & Jackson, 1987: Hayes & Mindel, 1973; Jayakody, Chatters, & Taylor, 1993; McAdoo, 1978, 1980; Miller, McFall, & Campbell, 1994; Miner, 1995; Stack, 1974; Staples & Mirande, 1980; Thornton, White-Means, & Choi, 1993). Pyke and Bengtson (1996) categorize family types into individualist (emphasizing self-sufficiency and voluntary nature of kin relations) and collectivist (emphasizing familistic norms and responsibilities). They suggest that collectivism is associated with working-class and ethnic families, and individualism, with White middle class (p. 382). Black culture frequently is presumed to emphasize informal support systems more than White culture, in part because formal institutions viewed by Whites as supportive (e.g., police, government, education) may be seen as exploitive by Blacks (Hayes & Mindel, 1973; Miner, 1995; Seelbach, 1981). Thus, it has been suggested that Blacks may feel a aversion to formal services (Miner, 1995; Morrison, 1983) or at least be less dependent on formal services because of their stronger informal networks (Litwak, 1985; Watson, 1990). Stack's (1974) study of survival strategies in a Black community showed how kin and others band together to share resources in face of poverty and discrimination and how culture values this sharing. (See also Johnson, 1995; Willie, 1988.) Recent research, however, has provided equivocal support for this position (Bengtson, Rosenthal, & Burton, 1996; Hofferth, 1984; Hogan, Hao, & Parish, 1990). A number of studies have found either that there are no race differences in informal social support or that Whites receive slightly more support than Blacks (Belgrave & Bradsher, 1994; Burton et al., 1995; Miller et al., 1994). Miner (1995) did find that older Blacks received somewhat more assistance from kin than older Whites, but Blacks also made greater use of formal services. And Silverstein and Waite (1993) demonstrated that most race differences in provision and receipt of social support across life cycle favored Whites, except among older Black women, who were more likely to receive instrumental support from their networks than were their White counterparts. We concur with Silverstein and Waite (1993) that the findings of high rates of support within social networks of Blacks often rest on a weak empirical base (pp. S212-S213). In addition, there is little direct evidence of cultural difference on which many arguments for stronger informal networks among Blacks rely (McAdoo, 1978; Miner, 1995; Morrison, 1983; Mutran, 1985; Stack, 1974; Taylor, Chatters, Tucker, & Lewis, 1990). Bengtson et al. (1996) identify the view of pervasive strength in extended kin networks of minority elders (p. …