Paradoxes of the periphery

This book provides both a sociolinguistic and a linguistic history of the Scots language, spoken both in Scotland and Ulster. It provides this material in two ways, reflecting both the historical, political, and economic forces which affected the status and use of Scots and the linguistic developments through which, like all languages, Scots has passed. Chapters 1 and 2 act as introductions, the first attempting to provide an analysis of what Scots is, in particular in relation to Standard English. The second chapter discusses the Indo-European background of Scots, while also discussing the linguistic ecology of what is now Scotland before Anglian dialects were introduced in the post-Roman period. Chapters 3 and 4 describe the sociolinguistic factors which have influenced the development of the language. Chapter 3 discusses the ‘rise’ of the language to being the de facto official language of Scotland; Chapter 4 considers its ‘fall’, analysing the social, economic, and political forces which led to its dialectalization under English. The formation of Scottish Standard English is also discussed in depth. Chapters 5, 6, and 7 analyse system-internal change in, respectively, the phonological, morphosyntactic, and lexical systems of Scotland. While a coherent narrative is maintained throughout, dialect-based development and change is given prominence. Chapter 8 provides a brief summary of what has been covered in the book, while at the same time suggesting future research projects which might prove productive.

In May 2008, the commission on growth and development (the growth commission) issued its report entitled 'the growth report'. In it the commission attempted to distill what had been learned in the past two decades, from experience and academic and policy research, about strategies and policies that produced sustained high growth in developing countries. It became clear in the course of the work that politics, leadership, and political economy (the interaction of economic and political forces and choices) were centrally important ingredients in the story. Dealing with the politics and the interaction of political and economic forces is a work in progress in research, an important one. Given this breadth, one of the editors' roles is to focus the reader's attention on what they take to be common issues across these chapters. These common problems are fourfold: (1) promoting national unity; (2) building good, solid institutions; (3) choosing innovative and localized policies; and (4) creating political consensus for long-run policy implementation. This report represent an excellent first step toward understanding the role of leadership in generating economic growth, and the author hope that they generate ideas and lead to new research on the problem of leadership in economic growth.

Academic areas such as science, mathematics, and engineering have been pressed to supply our technological society’s ever increasing demand for an educated and skilled workforce. Attempting to broaden participation, minority and multicultural engineering programs (MEPs) operate within institutional climates transformed by post-affirmative action policies, shrinking state funding, corporate influence, and ongoing social inequality. In this paper, the MEP at the University of Oklahoma (OU) serves as a case study to observe how one institution responded to changing economic and political forces and the resulting impact on student participants. To emphasize minority while maintaining a focus on diversity, the OU administration broadened the MEP mission to include First Generation students. This change coincided with the physical relocation of the MEP offices and a transition in MEP staff. Recognizing that underrepresented students’ experiences are often marginalized and not always heard by policy makers, we analyzed 208 semistructured interviews of 138 engineering majors in search of insight about how those decisions were experienced by African American, Hispanic American, Asian American, and Native American undergraduate engineering students. For some students, the broadening of the program’s mission and changes in personnel provided access to resources previously not proffered to them; other students expressed an acute sense of loss of program identity. Literature about organization change indicates that attention by the institution to multidirectional, culturally competent communication might have made these transitions less stressful for the disaffected students. Institutional recognition and understanding of diverse and sometimes competing cultures can effectively facilitate program restructuring motivated by social, political, and economic forces.

An understanding of the One Health and EcoHealth concepts by students is dependent on medical pedagogy and veterinary medical pedagogy having similarities that allow a common discourse. Medical pedagogy includes a focus on the social, political, and economic forces that affect human health, while this discourse is largely absent from veterinary medical pedagogy. There is, however, a gradient in health that human and animal populations experience. This health gradient in human populations, which runs from low to high according to the World Health Organization, is largely explained by "the conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work, and age."1,2 Regarding the human health gradient, other authors have broadened the list of conditions to include access to health care systems used to prevent disease and treat illness, and the distribution of power, money, and resources, which are shaped by social, economic, and political forces.1,2 In human medicine, these conditions are collectively termed the social determinants of health (SDH). Veterinarians who work with the public encounter people and their animals at both the low and the high end of the health gradient. This article explores the concept of the parallel social determinants of animal health (SDAH) using examples within urban, rural, and remote communities in North America as well as abroad. We believe that in order to understand the One Health paradigm it is imperative that veterinary pedagogy include information on, and competence in, SDH and SDAH to ultimately achieve improvements in human, animal, and environmental health and wellbeing.

Urban scholars have recently claimed a radical break in urbanization. Dear (2000) describes an emergent postmodern metropolis exemplified by Los Angeles that is not only different in form from the modern metropolis it replaced but shaped by novel and globalized economic and political forces. Amin and Thrift (2002), Gottdeiner (2002) and Soja (2000), among many others and with few exceptions (Beauregard and Haila 2000), concur with this general assessment. Collectively, these theorists argue that during the 1970s a 'sea change' (Soja 2000, 149) occurred. The centrality that cities once enjoyed and the dominant agglomerative tendencies of previous forms of urbanization have faded. Hence, existing urban theories and models of governance have to be discarded and new understandings launched. Only in this way, such theorists argue, can we grasp the city of fragmented spatialities, multiple flows, polyglot socialities, dynamic networks, and spatial and temporal openness. As critical and sceptical readers, how should we respond to this claim? What work is the 'radical break' doing in the writings of these scholars? To begin, we should look at its empirical credibility. But, we should not stop there. Rather, we need to recognize how the claim is motivated as much by a theoretical breakdown as by an actual rupture in the processes of urbanization. For advanced capitalist societies, the claim is plausible and yet problematic. Supportive evidence exists. Edge cities have seemingly proliferated since the early 1970s. Years of industrial city decline drew to an end. Immigration returned, at least in the United States and much to the benefit of its cities. Emergent, neo-liberal states compelled their city-regions to be competitive in global networks and their economies increasingly turned to advanced services, knowledge industries and tourism to main tain growth. These were differences that mattered. Yet, continuities also exist. For example, industrial satellites were common in the early twentieth century and might be considered a kind of edge city. Regardless, enough empirical justification can be assembled to make the claim more or less credible. No such claim is ever wholly empirical, however. Nor should it be. Evidence must make sense have meaning as part of a more broadly cast concep tual perspective. Otherwise, we cannot fully grasp the forces that give cities their character and distin guish them in different places and times. More bluntly, what counts as fact depends on the inter pretation given to it. An empirical claim has to be theoretically meaningful. Traditional approaches to urbanization provide little conceptual space for an underlying rupture. They cast urbanization as a universal and relentless process that ends only when a country is fully urbanized (Tisdale 1942). The forces of concentra tion wax and wane or unfold unevenly across the landscape, but they never cease or disappear. Modernization theory is similarly unhelpful (Davis and Golden 1954). It posits a seamless relationship between urbanization and economic development. The mechanization of agriculture, the growth of cities and the expansion of the national economy are mutually supportive and progressive.

Urban scholars have long grappled with the argument that “urban governance” is an oxymoron – that cities cannot govern and that urban policy merely reflects external economic and political forces. ...

In this paper a number of commonly held misconceptions about the informal settlements problem have been identified. It is contended that these misconceptions have contributed to the lack of action, or ineffective action, that is apparent with regard to this problem. It is hoped that attitudinal changes, as suggested in this report, will result in more practical approaches being adopted by all those concerned with improving the living conditions of people presently housed in the informal settlements. Experience in the field as discussed in this paper leads to the following recommendations: a. A great deal more research needs to be done with respect to the communication process between the suppliers of housing and the users. This is particularly true in instances where shack dwellers on the urban fringe are being drawn into the urbanisation process. b. Those directly involved in the planning and upgrading of shack areas need to develop new techniques for the establishment of townships that take cognisance of the situation on the ground-particularly the fact that the land is usually occupied and a social structure exists that has to be incorporated into the planning. c. Greater emphasis needs to be placed on the legitimisation of the land as part of the upgrading process. d. Ways and means of bringing about attitudinal changes on the part of all those involved in the housing process and the general public need to be developed. This would include discouraging the use of demotivating, negative terms such as squatter, septic fringe and so forth. e. The question of ‘hidden agendas’ needs to be addressed. Any upgrading project should seek to identify these and to lay them on the table as a first step in the process. f. It is clear that the process of upgrading informal settlements is insufficiently determined by the economic, social and political forces that operate within these settlements. A balance needs to be struck between a top down and a bottom up approach. g. People involved in the technical aspects of housing need to become more aware of the non-technical context within which the upgrading process takes place. The constant pursuit of technical solutions, with little or no consideration of the economic, political and social environment, can only result in failure.

Urbanization connotes to the growth of a metropolis on being subjected to criteria such as economic, social and political forces as well as the geomorphology of the metropolis. As population and its activities increase in a city, the boundary of the city expands to accommodate growth along the urban fringes, leading to fragmented urban morphology, thereby impacting local ecology. Towns and cities had bloomed post-independence in India, causing changes in the land use along the myriad landscapes and ecosystems of the country. These urban ecosystems were a consequence of unplanned development of industrial centres and uncontrolled growth of residential colonies, which altogether became hubs for economic, social, cultural, and political activities. A visualization of the past trends and patterns of growth enable the planning machineries to plan for appropriate basic infrastructure facilities (water, electricity, sanitation, etc.). This communication analyses the spatial patterns of Kolkata municipality—the 13th most populous and 8th largest urban agglomeration in the world. It has been one of the most prominent urban areas in eastern India which was once considered the capital of India during the erstwhile British colonial rule. The spatial patterns of urbanization of Kolkata with 10 km buffer have been analysed using temporal remote sensing data with zonal gradients and spatial metrics. The study area was divided into four zones and each zone was further divided into concentric circles of 1 km incrementing radii to understand the patterns and extent of urbanization at local levels. Its land use analysis has revealed a decline of vegetation from 33.6 % (1980) to 7.36 % (2010). During 2010, Kolkata’s built-up had constituted 8.6 %, water bodies comprised of 3.15 %, whereas other categories made up about 80.87 %. Increased Shannon’s entropy during the last decade highlights the tendency of sprawl that necessitated policy interventions to provide basic amenities. Spatial patterns through metrics indicated a compact and simple structured growth at the centre of the city and a distributed complex shape in the buffer region. Further, these metrics indicated that the city is on the verge of becoming a single large urban patch that would affect its ecological integrity. Temporal analyses of spatial patterns of urbanization help the city administration and city planners to visualize and understand the growth of the city so that they can provide better resource planning to create a sustainable city.

The conviction of Binayak Sen

T HE failure of the 74th Congress to pass an amendatory pure food and drug bill was a major omission of the session. With the merits of the particular legislation proposed we are not concerned. Remedial legislation is essential now but this need for statutory reform must not distract attention from the great influence of social and economic forces lying beyond the legal realm. Our purpose here is to analize the proper conditions for free administrative action in terms of the social, economic, and political forces that make this possible. If a regulatory bureau is to execute the law in the interest, those forces impinging upon the bureau from without must tend to counter-balance one another. It is only in an environment of this sort that the civil servant can freely perform his official duties. The experience of the officials enforcing the federal pure food and drug act for nearly three decades shows the effect of environmental conditions in changing the very character and purpose of a statute. This becomes clear if the execution of the law is reviewed in relation of the social forces and economic influences touching the administrators themselves. The Food and Drug Administration must be considered in its context. The situation can be clarified if this federal agency is viewed objectively against the economic, legal, political, and technical forces that touch the bureau in its day to day operations. What is the bureaucratic environment within which these government officials carry on their work? In the Food and Drug Administration we find a personnel of about 500 scientists and specialists: chemists, bacteriologists, physicians, veterinarians, entomologists, plant pathologists, microscopists, pharmacologists, and the like. About half of this force man the executive supervisory offices and technical control laboratories in Washington. The rest are scattered over the country in the various branch stations. Sixty-one inspectors are designated to watch for infractions of the law. These officials are responsible for enforcing not only the pure food and drug law but also five other acts regulating insecticides, caustic poisons, naval stores, and importations of milk and tea. They unquestionably have plenty to do. An idea of the enormity of the task is shown by the fact that the total value of the year's output of canned goods alone amounted to about $745,000,000 in I93Z while drug products exceeded $400,000,000. With an appropriation of about one and a quarter million dollars a small corps of officials are charged with regulating a vast number of products in a great variety of industries. These bureaucratic specialists confront a highly specialized public composed of the manufacturers, the producers, the shippers, and the distributors engaged in the collossal work of supplying the nation with nourishment through the arteries of interstate commerce. Officials come into daily contact with dairymen, patent medicine men, canners, fruit growers and shippers, retail grocers and wholesalers. The variety of interests is kaleidoscopic and their number is legion. Under the best of conditions one cannot

Brazil’s religious landscape is shaped by a dynamic interplay of historical legacies, social transformations, and spatial reorganizations. This paper explores the evolving geography of religion in Brazil through the theoretical lenses of Milton Santos and David E. Sopher, examining how religious institutions and movements shape and are shaped by urbanization, migration, and socio-economic structures. The study highlights the fluidity of religious spaces, where individuals move between Catholicism, Pentecostalism, Afro-Brazilian traditions, and spiritualist practices, fostering a hybridized religious culture. Drawing from Santos’ theories on spatial production and socio-political inequalities, this article discusses how religious institutions both reproduce and challenge social disparities, particularly in land conflicts, indigenous rights, and marginalized communities. Sopher’s contributions to religious geography help contextualize Brazil’s religious shifts, notably the rise of Pentecostalism and its spatial expansion into urban peripheries, where it fulfills both spiritual and social functions. The research further critiques traditional secularization theories, arguing that religious transformation in Brazil does not signal a retreat from religiosity but rather an adaptive reconfiguration of faith in response to contemporary challenges. By integrating critical geography and religious studies, this paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the interconnections between faith, space, and social justice in Latin America and underscores the importance of studying religious landscapes not merely as historical legacies but as evolving, contested spaces where belief systems intersect with political, economic, and cultural forces.

Managed care, in its manifold forms, has resulted from complex economic, social, and political forces. Early health maintenance organizations (HMOs) were developed, in fact, as cooperative ventures between unions and management to ensure access to medical care for all employees of large companies. J,~ More recently, HMOs and other managed care entities have operated on a for-profit basis. The recent emphasis on selling and marketing a medical product is evident throughout all forms of health care delivery. Individual practitioners and private hospitals are marketing, advertising, and packaging their services in forms that would have been deemed unethical (and certainly in poor taste) fifty years ago. Discussions of managed care have tended to focus on the evils of the "profit motive" and therefore may be asking the wrong questions, since all forms of medical practice are bound by economic forces. The right questions are those which are posed regarding any new form of practice: what is the quality of care delivered?; how does it compare to more traditional forms of practice?; what are the ethical and legal dilemmas raised?; and how does access to care compare to other systems? Dr. Docherty's paper 3 is concerned with the areas of patient-therapist relationship, treatmentmatching and planning, and the ability of clinicians within managed systems to provide quality care. Managed systems certainly pose challenges for the individual patient-clinician relationship. One challenge comes from the underlying principle of a "public health" model of care. Any prepaid care system contracts to provide care, within acertain subscriber agreement, to a l~.pulation ofenroUed members. In that sense, an HMO operates more like a public clinic or community mental health center. The individual clinician must also be aware of a panel or group of patients rather than just the patient in his/ her office. While these concerns may, as Dr. Docherty states, "bring jeopardy to the integrity of the clinician-patient relationship, ''3 it is important to consider that the only relationship that can exist in feefor-service practice is one in which the patient can afford the fee and the clinician has the time. Many patients thus receive no care at all. Many recent studies 4,-5 have shown that in managed systems, more patients seek psychiatric treatment than under traditional forms of care. Quality assurance and utilization management can certainly become invasions of privacy and a waste of valuable resources. However, the examination of the decision-making and treatment-planning process in psychiatry can also add valuable data to a field which has been floundering in providing answers to such questions as "which treatment works best for whom?" Dr. Munich's paper;' describes a process in which a hospital staff, challenged with the demands of external utilization review, developed a process which not only helped them to meet these demands efficiently, but promises to improve their ability to focus and structure hospital care, and provide them with data to improve their own care systems. The clinician working within a managed system does deal with an inherent conflict of interest. He/ she is working for a patient, for an HMO, for the patient's employer who pays the premium, and perhaps

In the Philosophical Investigations Ludwig Wittgenstein writes, "A picture held us captive. And we could not get outside it, for it lay in our language and language seemed to repeat it to us inexorably."1 At the midpoint of the seventeenth century Thomas Hobbes surveyed his world and found that the newly released economic forces had brought substantial disruption and disquiet in addition to substantial economic gain for some. In response to those disruptions, Hobbes sought to recreate the peace and quiet that preceded the rise of revolutionary economic and political forces. Now, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, we are again confronted with a world in which economic forces have brought disturbance and disquiet to many. But this time, the markets have chosen not to leave the reestablishment of peace and quiet to the philosophers or even to the political forces that may or may not listen to philosophers. Instead, the global markets themselves will impose their own order, their own discipline, and in their own way, as the governments and the peoples of Mexico, Argentina, Brazil, and the ASEAN block can attest. As a result of these developments and decisions, crime and punishment have taken on new meanings. In a context of growing uncertainty—in which the old rules of the game are no longer valid and in which players are not always sure what behavior will bring about punishment or reward—the meaning of crime and punishment has changed.

This article explores the relationships between changes in the conception of urban peripheries and changes in urban renewal policies, mainly focusing on policy debates and theoretical discourses developed within Italy. The aim is to test the usefulness of a non‐conventional approach to urban peripheries, both from a theoretical and practical point of view. According to this approach, urban peripheries can be thought of as plural and complex places, which are considered to be a fundamental part of the city and as the builders of urban identity. The article initially explores the changes in describing and interpreting urban peripheries, showing how they must be related to actual changes in urban settlement dynamics, as well as to changes in the theoretical frameworks used to understand the phenomenon of the Italian ‘urban periphery’. The article then shows how changes in interpretation have redefined the objectives and methods of policy interventions in the Italian context. Finally, certain critical issues will be discussed, in particular the origins of urban renewal policies and their recent evolution; the redefinition of the local authority role, and the relationships between institutional and social projects and activities. In this view, institutional projects are considered to be the formal projects carried out by public actors, for example municipalities, in order to manage the change in urban peripheries while social projects are understood as the informal practices of inhabitants of peripheries that change their living neighbourhoods.

L'A. reprend son essai feministe Under western eyes ecrit seize annees auparavant, dans le contexte d'un mouvement feministe transnational en pleine vitalite. Apres en avoir rappele les arguments centraux, elle analyse la reception qu'a eu cet article, puis tente de clarifier le sens qu'elle donne a des concepts-cles comme l'Occident ou le Tiers-Monde. Elle reengage le debat sur la relation entre le particulier et l'universel dans la theorie feministe. Elle tente enfin d'evaluer ce qui a change durant la periode qui s'est ecoulee depuis la parution de la premiere edition de Under western eyes. Elle inscrit parmi les nouveaux defis du feminisme le combat contre la mondialisation capitaliste et ses effets de predation dont les femmes sont plus particulierement victimes. A la suite de Vandana Shiva, elle s'insurge notamment contre la confiscation imperialiste des savoirs indigenes par le biais des brevets