Abstract

Classical syntactic theory was designed to ensure that raising would be able to proceed out of infinitival clauses, but not out of finite clauses. However, it has since become clear that a number of languages in fact allow raising out of finite clauses (hyperraising). This paper argues that the Mexican isolate P'urhepecha—more specifically, the variety spoken on the island of Janitzio on Lake Pátzcuaro—allows hyperraising to object (cf. Bruening 2002, Tanaka 2002, Halpert & Zeller 2015, Deal 2016), and develops an analysis of this phenomenon on which it involves two steps of purely altruistic (target-driven) movement—i.e., movement driven exclusively by a featural requirement of an attracting head. Alternative analyses of the phenomenon based on Greed (Chomsky 1995, Bošković 2007, a.o.) or Labeling (Chomsky 2013, 2015, a.o.) are considered and shown to face serious problems. P'urhepecha hyperraising to object, then, sheds light on the driving force for movement: it provides an argument for Enlightened Self-Interest (Lasnik 1995, 2003, a.o.), the hypothesis that movement may be driven by a feature either of the moving element or (as here) of an attracting head. The phenomenon also narrows down the space of possibilities for understanding the A/Ā-distinction.

Highlights

  • As is well known, raising in English and other familiar languages can proceed out of an infinitival, but not a finite, clause: compare Shei seems [INF i to be happy] with *Shek seems [FIN k is happy], and I believed himi incorrectly [INF i to be happy] with *I believed himk/hek incorrectly [FIN k was happy]

  • As empirical work has progressed, it has become clear that some languages make use of derivations along the lines of the two just starred (Tanaka 2002, Martins & Nunes 2010, Carstens & Diercks 2013, Halpert & Zeller 2015, Deal 2016, Halpert 2016, Fong 2017, Petersen & Terzi to appear, a.m.o.; see Bruening 2002)

  • The present paper argues that the Mexican language Janitzio P’urhepecha permits hyperraising to object (A-raising out of a finite clause which creates an object)

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Summary

Introduction

As is well known, raising in English and other familiar languages can proceed out of an infinitival, but not a finite, clause: compare Shei seems [INF i to be happy] with *Shek seems [FIN k is happy], and I believed himi incorrectly [INF i to be happy] with *I believed himk/hek incorrectly [FIN k was happy]. Hyperraising hypothesis: ACC-C should perhaps be expected to show intervention effects, with DPACC corresponding to the subject of the embedded CP and never to any lower argument. b. ACC-C involves escape-hatch blocking, shows intervention effects (a hallmark of A-movement), and obeys islands, supporting the hyperraising hypothesis over the prolepsis hypothesis. Juanu uekawant DP [Num:SG]...[*D*]EPP (The question of how the hyperraised DP ends up accusative is set aside here, since our main goal is to understand the precise mechanics of the movements.) Merged in is the matrix subject (Maria):. On this analysis, what is special about Janitzio P’urhepecha that permits hyperraising to object in this language is that it allows a certain C (eska ‘that’) to bear a feature [*D*]EPP, and allows (at least the hyperraising) v to bear a feature [*Num: *]EPP. The following three subsections argue that P’urhepecha hyperraising to object is neither greedy nor Labeling-driven

ALTERNATIVE A
ALTERNATIVE B
ALTERNATIVE C
Conclusion
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