Not accepting abuse as the norm: Local forms of institutional reform to improve reporting on domestic violence in Punjab

"Domestic violence is an enduring and complex challenge, deeply woven into the socio-cultural fabric of communities across the Pacific. In the Solomon Islands, addressing domestic violence requires not only legal and institutional reform but also an earnest effort to listen to and incorporate local voices, customs, and histories. This report is a vital contribution to the reimagining of domestic violence prevention and response efforts through culturally grounded and community-informed lenses. This study exemplifies the value of context-sensitive research. By privileging the insights of frontline responders, civil society actors and government representatives, it reveals the complexities of understanding and addressing domestic violence in a post-colonial Pacific context. The report challenges the overreliance on external frameworks and models by demonstrating that sustainable and effective change must be rooted in the lived realities of those most affected. The findings and recommendations presented herein reflect not only rigorous academic inquiry but also the lived experiences of those navigating the difficult terrain of domestic violence response every day. The research illuminates systemic gaps, celebrates the resilience and innovation of local actors, and offers concrete strategies to strengthen multi-sectoral collaboration, survivor-centred services, and culturally relevant education. This report is an invitation to policy-makers, practitioners, researchers, and communities to reflect, recalibrate, and recommit to tackling domestic violence in ways that are just, inclusive, and transformative. The work presented here is both timely and necessary, and it sets a new standard for how we approach domestic violence prevention and response in the Pacific."

In the context of China’s new law against domestic violence, proposed by the State Council in November 2014 and passed in July 2015, this article examines online engagement by Chinese citizens leading up to the legislative revision, and examines the Sina Weibo microblog activities of one influential organisation, nǚquan zhī shēng (Feminist Voice). I ask how a Chinese Civil Society Organisation (CSO) uses online media to open public discourse on, and in some cases challenge, formal and informal institutions around a normatively marginalised issue, the case of domestic violence. Drawing on and synthesising literature on domestic violence, civil society and online communications in China, this study provides a timely contribution given the relative limitedness of up-to-date data, after the huge wave of publications following the 1995 Beijing conference. Findings are based on content analysis of the Feminist Voice microblog during 2012. While Chinese CSOs are often dismissed as non-confrontational and therefore ineffective change agents, Feminist Voice does challenge status quo marginalisation of domestic violence in the public sphere and facilitate discussion around formal and informal institutional reform, thereby influencing social attitudes and potentially also policy and law making.

This narrative review examines the evolving landscape of marriage and divorce in Islamic contexts, with a focus on gender equity, legal interpretation, and socio-cultural influences. The study aims to understand the systemic barriers faced by women in initiating divorce and how legal, educational, and institutional reforms can address these challenges. Utilizing sources from Scopus, Google Scholar, JSTOR, and SpringerLink, the review analyzed literature published over the past fifteen years using keywords such as "Islamic marriage," "Islamic divorce," "fiqh," and "gender equity in Islam." The findings reveal that women often face legal and social obstacles in accessing divorce, compounded by economic dependency, limited legal knowledge, and gender-biased interpretations of Islamic law. Studies highlight the impact of educational interventions like fiqh munakahat, feminist legal reinterpretation, and national policy reforms in improving women's rights. Examples from India, Morocco, and Malaysia illustrate how legal innovation and inclusive practices can promote gender justice. The discussion emphasizes the need for systemic reforms that include educational restructuring, economic support, and protective legislation against domestic violence. In conclusion, the review advocates for context-sensitive and justice-centered reforms in Islamic family law. Emphasis is placed on legal empowerment, economic equity, and gender-sensitive interpretation of Sharia to support more equitable marital outcomes. Future research should expand in scope and methodology to ensure broader applicability and sustained social impact.

Violence against women and girls in Nigeria has reached disturbing proportions, manifesting in various forms such as domestic abuse, rape, sexual harassment, forced marriages, and other harmful practices. This increasing scourge of physical violence and killings of women and girls for money-making rituals has further destabilised the lopsided gender balance in Nigeria, with the female gender being the most extraordinary sole victim. Violence against women and girls in Nigeria has become a serious contemporary problem that has to be addressed. Nigerian must create a new culture where women and girls are secured and valued by interrogating the underlying causes of violence, identifying its terrible impact on victims, and proffering preventive measures beyond legislations and public condemnations as well as, examine the existing legal frameworks that is targeted solely on meted minimum punishment on offenders, with no provision for compensation for the victims. Despite existing legal frameworks, public advocacy, and widespread media condemnation, the prevalence of gender-based violence continues to rise, revealing significant gaps in the effectiveness of current interventions. This study explores the imperatives of curbing the growing incidence of violence against women and girls in Nigeria by examining options that go beyond laws, sympathy, and media outrage. The study employs a qualitative approach, drawing insights from existing literature and policy reports to identify structural, cultural, and socio-economic drivers of violence against women and girls. The study finds that while legal instruments are necessary, they are insufficient in isolation from other measures. Therefore, sustainable solutions must include community-based education, empowerment programs for women, reform of traditional and religious institutions, rehabilitation of perpetrators, and the transformation of societal norms that normalise violence. The study concludes that a multidimensional, preventive, and participatory approach is essential to effectively curb the growing menace of violence against women and girls in Nigeria.

The implications of COVID-19 for the care of children living in residential institutions

This research is aim to study the local cultural forms which cause the domestic violence, especially on pregnancy woman. The research conducted in countryside of Sunju and Tg Batu, Donggala Middle Sulawesi district. The sample of the study is entire pregnancy women, and the women who were pregnancy two years ego. The total number of sample is 94 people. Data collecting are interview, focus group discussion, and documentation. The result of the research indicates that the value of local cultural namely siri', naeya, and doi' balanca as the cause

Gender Equitable Policy Reforms in Bangladesh: The Role of Informal Networks and Practices

From Global to Local Feminisms: Transnationalism, Foreign Aid and the Women's Movement in Ukraine

In Pakistan, the provincial governments have establishedshelter homes for women who are suffering from various forms of violence against women. These homes are called Dar-ul-Aman. In Punjab, Dar-ul-Aman has been established at district level. At each Dar-ul-Aman, the government provides shelter and other facilities. Firstly, this qualitative study aimed to understand the lived experiences of women living in these homes. Secondly, this study aimed to identify the key challenges that need to be addressed to enhance the effectiveness of these homes. The data were collected through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs). The researchers did in-depth interviews of sixteen women who were residing in Dar-ul-Aman of Lahore. A focused group discussion was conducted with the officials of Dar-ul-Aman. The data were analyzed using thematic analysis. The study concluded that women sought shelter in Dar-ul-Aman due to domestic abuse and violence, marital disputes, and financial vulnerabilities. Women who were staying at Dar-ul-Aman reported their concerns related to the procedures and mechanisms of this institution. There is a dire need to enhance the effectiveness of Dar-ul-Aman. Thus, institutional reforms are necessary to make this service more effective for vulnerable women seeking refuge through this platform

This book addresses key issues in the reform of local government worldwide. What new concerns have given rise to such reforms? What happens when established institutions are transformed? Will reform bring about the desired effects on political leadership and the democratic process, or do unintended consequences follow? Are these effects influenced by local and national political cultures? By finding answers to these questions, we hope to broaden our understanding of local government institutions and political leadership in particular. To date, with the exception of Mouritzen and Svara (2002), there have been few studies of local government institutions in the West. By comparing local government forms and the democratic concerns embedded in them — political leadership, political accountability, the involvement of lay politicians, recruitment and professionalism — this book exposes some of the similarities and differences in institutional impact across 11 selected Western countries.

This magazine offers a thorough examination of the legal system that governs women's rights in India, emphasizing the constitutional mandates, significant statutes, court rulings, and legislative initiatives meant to ensure gender equality and justice. It critically analyzes how affirmative action is made possible and women's socioeconomic and political rights are protected by constitutional provisions like Articles 14, 15, 16, 21, and related Directive Principles. The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, Dowry Prohibition Act, and other important laws are examined in the study, along with court rulings that have improved women's rights. The achievement of genuine gender equality is nevertheless hampered by issues with law enforcement, societal attitudes, and intersectional discrimination, despite progressive legislation.In order to make constitutional aspirations a reality for Indian women, the magazine emphasizes the need for judicial activism, effective implementation, increased legal awareness, and institutional reforms. Additionally, it places Indian law reforms in the context of international frameworks for gender justice and women's human rights.

The past 20 years have seen great strides in addressing violence against women by their male partners. Although the author cannot point to one single intervention or set of interventions as being the most effective, institutional reforms that have included coordinated community responses have had a positive impact. During the next 10 years, researchers must learn how to address the obstacles that prevent institutional responses from being more effective in addressing the needs of victims.

This study investigates the role of Tuha Peut in resolving family conflicts in Gampong Reudeup, Panteraja Subdistrict, Pidie Jaya District, within the framework of Robert K. Merton’s structural-functional theory. As a customary institution at the village level, Tuha Peut is formally mandated to maintain social order through deliberation, mediation, and legal oversight. Using a qualitative case study approach, data were collected through participatory observation, in-depth interviews, and document analysis. Thematic analysis was conducted to identify the manifest, latent, and dysfunctional roles of Tuha Peut in conflict resolution. The findings reveal that Tuha Peut performs manifest functions as a mediator and decision-maker in resolving domestic disputes, while its latent functions include reinforcing communal values and informal cohesion mechanisms. However, the study also identifies structural dysfunctions, particularly related to gender representation. Several female informants expressed discomfort engaging with Tuha Peut directly, often relying instead on informal female figures such as Ibu Ros to mediate access. This phenomenon suggests a gap between formal institutional structures and the lived experiences of community members. The study concludes that while Tuha Peut contributes significantly to social stability, its legitimacy and effectiveness are contingent upon its capacity to evolve. Institutional reforms—especially gender inclusion and the recognition of informal mediators—are essential to ensuring that Tuha Peut fulfills not only its legal mandate but also its social responsibilities in an inclusive and representative manner.

Tonga Steven Ratuva (bio) The new government of ‘Akilisi Pōhiva was tested to the limit by a number of political, economic, and policy issues after it came to power as a result of the 2014 election, the second under the amended 2010 constitution. For a reform-oriented government with minimal experience yet loaded with ambition and high expectations from the people, the stark reality of transforming and modernizing a society steeped in conservative traditional values, under the patronage of a monarch and a class of nopili (nobles), was a major challenge. Despite some of the institutional and symbolic reforms of the previous decade, some of the social issues of the previous era remained and frustrated plans for changes. One such issue was that of women’s participation in politics, which is the main focus of this review. Although some progressive changes were made in the 2010 amended constitution, remnants of the traditional patriarchal political culture persisted. For instance, no woman was elected to Parliament in the 2010 and 2014 elections. This may appear ironic because under the cultural practice of vahu, women are traditionally accorded a unique social status within the kinship system, sometimes higher than men. (This is very similar to the Fijian practice of vasu, whereby one’s maternal link is considered special and sometimes more prestigious than one’s paternal inheritance.) However, political power has always been a male enterprise, and before July 2016, when the first woman was elected to Parliament, males made up 100 percent of elected people’s representatives and 100 percent of nobles representatives—a record that placed Tonga at the lowest rung of the parliamentary gender diversity scale in the Pacific. The election of Ms ‘Akosita Lavulavu [End Page 181] after a by-election in July 2016 followed successes by a number of women in the local elections a couple of weeks earlier, a testimony to the intensification of campaigns by local civil society organizations, regional organizations, and international agencies for greater awareness of women’s role in politics. Nevertheless, the path to gender consciousness and empowerment in Tonga has been fraught with challenges as forces of progress and conservatism continue to clash over what is appropriate for Tongan society. The tension between competing cultural and political discourses about gender was starkly manifested when the prime minister proudly told Parliament that his cabinet had agreed to ratify the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (cedaw) on 9 March 2015 (see article by Helen Lee, this issue) and that Minister for Internal Affairs Fe‘ao Vakata, whose portfolio included women’s issues, had informed the United Nations in New York about the ratification. What was meant to be a celebrated event turned sour as a clash between supporters and opponents of cedaw erupted immediately after the announcement. Pōhiva’s initiative was not surprising because he had been engaged in regional and international social activism as leader of the Tongan pro-democracy movement. Through this, he was actively involved in issues related to the nuclear-free Pacific, decolonization, human rights, and gender equality, among others. In many ways, these involvements further broadened his political and ideological understanding of democracy and provided an alternative policy prism from that of previous prime ministers who, except for Dr Feleti Sevele, were largely drawn from the monarchical or the nopili class. The proposed ratification of cedaw was against the backdrop of the periodic review of the state of human rights in Tonga by the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review Working Group, completed in January 2013, which was critical of the status of human rights in Tonga (UN ohchr 2013b). When quizzed about gender inequality during an ohchr meeting in Geneva, Lord Vaea, the minister for internal affairs at the time, responded by pointing out the number of women employees in public and private institutions and prosecution of perpetrators of family violence. However, a number of countries were very critical of Tonga for not ratifying cedaw (Fonua 2013). ohchr members recommended that concerted efforts be made to speed up gender equality and domestic violence laws and that ratification of cedaw should be a priority (UN ohchr 2013a). Because of...

The COVID-19 pandemic exposed and intensified pre-existing gender inequalities in Iraq. This study examines the gendered consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic in Iraq, focusing on how entrenched patriarchal structures, alongside inequalities and tribal authority, heightened women’s vulnerability during the crisis. Conducted in Baghdad, Anbar, and Salah al-Din governorates, the research utilized a mixed-methods design with stratified random sampling to survey 1,200 individuals through structured questionnaires and semi-structured interviews. The study explores the pandemic’s impact on women’s economic participation, access to education, exposure to gender-based violence, and healthcare use. Results show that 73.3% of women experienced job loss or major income decline, while 59.4% reported repeated domestic violence during lockdowns. Around 80% of households restricted girls from online learning, citing cultural taboos, digital gaps, and safety concerns rooted in patriarchal norms governing honor, mobility, and gender roles. Over half of the participants avoided healthcare services due to infection fears, familial restrictions, or financial hardship. Widespread emotional strain was reported, including anxiety, fear, and decision paralysis. These findings reveal that the pandemic magnified pre-existing gender disparities and exposed significant weaknesses in Iraq’s crisis preparedness and gender-inclusive policy frameworks. Unlike global studies centered in higher-income or urban contexts, this research offers unique, field-based insights from a fragile Middle Eastern setting characterized by patriarchal governance, tribal authority, and institutional instability. The study calls for urgent gender-responsive strategies to address digital exclusion, economic resilience, healthcare access, and violence prevention. A combination of institutional reforms and localized, community-based engagement is crucial to ensuring that future emergencies do not perpetuate or exacerbate gender-based inequalities.