Abstract

Zimbabwean villagers of distinct background have resettled in government-organized land reforms for more than three decades. Against this backdrop, I assess the level of social cohesion in some of the newly established communities by estimating the average preferences for fairness in a structural model of bounded rationality. The estimations are based on behavioral data from an ultimatum game field experiment played by 234 randomly selected households in 6 traditional and 14 resettled villages almost two decades after resettlement. Equal or higher degrees of fairness are estimated in all resettlement schemes. In one, or arguably two, out of three distinct resettlement schemes studied, the resettled villagers exhibit significantly higher degrees of fairness ( ) and rationality ( ) than those who live in traditional villages. Overall, villagers appear similarly rational, but the attitude toward fairness is significantly stronger in resettled communities ( ). These findings are consistent with the idea of an increased need for cooperation required in recommencement.

Highlights

  • The government of Zimbabwe has implemented land reform schemes to address inequalities in land ownership since gaining independence in 1980

  • I address this question by studying the following subquestions: Does social cohesion exist among former strangers after resettlement in some instances? If so, how much? And, how to reliably measure social cohesion or an interpretable factor of it? To answer these questions, I evaluate if different social preferences are present in some of the communities of the early Zimbabwean land reform period and their nonresettled counterparts almost two decades after once unfamiliar households became neighbors through resettling

  • I reexamined preexisting experimental data from ultimatum games conducted in the aftermath of the Zimbabwean 1980s willing-buyer and willing-seller land reform

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Summary

Introduction

The government of Zimbabwe has implemented land reform schemes to address inequalities in land ownership since gaining independence in 1980. Numerous Zimbabwean households have resettled in government-organized land reform programs in the past, and several resettled people faced the challenge of restarting along with unfamiliar people. The Zimbabwean land reform, poses the question whether villagers in new communities lost social capital and, in the long-run, suffer from an eradication of social ties compared to villagers who did not resettle. I address this question by studying the following subquestions: Does social cohesion exist among former strangers after resettlement in some instances? I evaluate if different social preferences are present in some of the communities of the early Zimbabwean land reform period and their nonresettled counterparts almost two decades after once unfamiliar households became neighbors through resettling

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