Abstract

‘Vocalization’ is a label commonly used to describe an ongoing change in progress affecting coda /l/ in multiple accents of English. The label is directly linked to the loss of consonantal constriction observed in this process, but it also implicitly signals a specific type of change affecting manner of articulation from consonant to vowel, which involves loss of tongue lateralization, the defining property of lateral sounds. In this study, we consider two potential diachronic pathways of change: an abrupt loss of lateralization which follows from the loss of apical constriction, versus slower gradual loss of lateralization that tracks the articulatory changes to the dorsal component of /l/. We present articulatory data from seven speakers of New Zealand English, acquired using a combination of midsagittal and lateral EMA, as well as midsagittal ultrasound. Different stages of sound change are reconstructed through synchronic variation between light, dark, and vocalized /l/, induced by systematic manipulation of the segmental and morphosyntactic environment, and complemented by comparison of different individual articulatory strategies. Our data show a systematic reduction in lateralization that is conditioned by increasing degrees of /l/-darkening and /l/-vocalization. This observation supports the idea of a gradual diachronic shift and the following pathway of change: /l/-darkening, driven by the dorsal gesture, precipitates some loss of lateralization, which is followed by loss of the apical gesture. This pathway indicates that loss of lateralization is an integral component in the changes in manner of articulation of /l/ from consonantal to vocalic.

Highlights

  • Foundational theoretical proposals for modelling laterals postulate that laterals contain an intrinsic vowel-like dorsal gesture, whose presence is systematically related to the formation of the lateral channel, allowing airflow along the side of the tongue (Browman & Goldstein, 1995; Ladefoged & Maddieson, 1996; Sproat & Fujimura, 1993)

  • To bring new evidence to bear on the pathways of change involved in /l/-vocalization, we study the relationship between midsagittal and lateral aspects of /l/-articulation, based on co-registered electromagnetic (EMA) and ultrasound data from seven speakers of New Zealand English

  • We focus on a specific time-point, the maximum tongue tip raising, as it can be consistently identified across different speakers and different contexts, and it provides key information about /l/-vocalization

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Summary

Introduction

Foundational theoretical proposals for modelling laterals postulate that laterals contain an intrinsic vowel-like dorsal gesture, whose presence is systematically related to the formation of the lateral channel, allowing airflow along the side of the tongue (Browman & Goldstein, 1995; Ladefoged & Maddieson, 1996; Sproat & Fujimura, 1993). While the nature of the relationship between dorsal retraction and tongue lateralization has received different interpretations, there is a general consensus that dorsal retraction and lateralization are closely linked. This presents us with a puzzle when we consider the common diachronic pathway affecting syllable-final /l/. This, can lead to /l/-vocalization, a process through which /l/ loses its consonantal status and becomes a vocoid. Lateralization is inherently a consonantal feature, since it is not known to be contrastive in vowels.

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