Abstract

The process of labial palatalization in Nguni and Sotho languages is considered, with a view to establishing the non-phonological status of this process within the modern languages. A variety of evidence types is considered, both internal and external, including the non-application of palatalization in loanwords, non-transfer in second language learning, unconditioned use in specialized language, and limits in experimental conditions. The non-phonological course of processual breakdown in the speech of Zulu- and Sotho-speaking aphasics is considered in detail.

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