Japan's New Security Agenda

Abstract

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1Yoichi Funabashi, ‘Tokyo's Depression Diplomacy’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 77, no. 6, November–December 1998, pp. 26–36. 2Richard J. Samuels, Machiavelli's Children: Leader and Their Legacies in Italy and Japan (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), pp. 204–11. 3Kent E. Calder, ‘Japanese Foreign Economic Policy Formation: Explaining the Reactive State’, World Politics, vol. 40, no. 4, 1988, pp. 517–41. 4Christopher W. Hughes, ‘Japan: Military Modernization in Search of a “Normal” Military Role’, in Ashley J. Tellis and Michael Wills (eds), Strategic Asia 2005–2006: Military Modernization in an Era of Uncertainty (Washington DC, National Bureau of Asian Research, 2005), pp. 114–17. 5Japan claims that a considerable number of its citizens were abducted by North Korea in the 1970s and 1980s. The North Korean government admitted to the presence of 13 abductees during Koizumi's visit to Pyongyang in 2002. North Korea subsequently explained that eight of the abductees had died in the North, and allowed the other five abductees to return to Japan. The Japanese government and public have not been convinced of North Korea's explanations regarding the deaths of the abductees, and in bilateral diplomatic normalisation talks and in the Six-Party Talks Tokyo demanded further explanation from the North. However, the North now regards the abductee issue as resolved. Japanese politicians such as Abe Shinzo have made considerable political play out of championing the cause of the abductee families and take the stance that Japan cannot normalise ties or extend economic assistance to North Korea until these eight abduction cases, and potentially many others, are resolved. 6Aurelia George Mulgan, ‘Japan's “Un-Westminster” System: Impediments to Reform in a Crisis Economy’, Government and Opposition, vol. 38, no. 1, 2003, pp. 73–91; Aurelia George Mulgan, ‘Japan's Political Leadership Deficit’, Australian Journal of Political Science, vol. 35, no. 2, 2000, pp. 183–202. 7Inoguchi Takashi and Iwai Tomoaki, Zoku Giin no Kenkyū (Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shimbunsha, 1987). 8Nakajima Kuniko, ‘Nihon no Gaikō Seisaku Katei ni Okeru Jiyū Minshutō Chōsakai no Yakuwari’, in Nihon no Gaikō Seisaku Kettei Yōin (Tokyo: PHP Kenkyūsho, 1999), pp. 70–108. 9Takenaka Harukata, Shushō Shihai: Nihon Seiji no Henbō (Tokyo: Chūō Shinsho, 2006), pp. 139–84, 185–258; Ellis S. Krauss and Robert Pekkanen, ‘Explaining Party Adaptation to Electoral Reform: The Discreet Charm of the LDP?’, Journal of Japanese Studies, vol. 30, no. 1, 2004, pp. 1–34. 10Ellis S. Krauss and Benjamin Nyblade, ‘”Presidentialization in Japan”? The Prime Minister, Media and Elections in Japan’, British Journal of Political Science, vol. 34, 2004, pp. 357–68. 11Ellis S. Krauss and Robert Pekkanen, ‘Japan's “Coalition of the Willing” on Security Policies’, Orbis , vol. 49, no. 3, 2005, pp. 429–44. 12Shinoda Tomohito, Kantei Gaikō: Seiji Rīdashippu no Yukie (Tokyo: Asahi Shimbunsha (Tokyo: Asahi Shimbunsha, 2004), pp. 9–50. 13Ministry of Foreign Affairs Japan, ‘Joint Statement: Security Consultative Committee’, 19 February 2005, Washington DC, http://www.mofa.go.jp/region/n-america/us/security/scc/joint0502.html. 14‘Tokuso Hoan ga Shuin Tsuka’, Asahi Shimbun, 14 April 2007, p. 4. 15Christopher W. Hughes, Japan's Reemergence as a ‘Normal’ Military Power,Adelphi Paper 368–9 (Oxford: Oxford University Press for the IISS, 2004), pp. 90–92. 16Chief Cabinet Secretary of Japan, ‘Statement By the Chief Cabinet Secretary of Japan: On the Introduction of Ballistic Missile Defense System and Other Measures’, 19 December 2003, http://www.kantei.go.jp/foreign/tyokan/2003/1219danwa_e.html. 17Ministry of Foreign Affairs Japan, ‘Security Consultative Committee Document US–Japan Alliance: Joint Statement’, 1 May 2006: United States–Japan Roadmap for Realignment Implementations, Washington DC, http://www.mofa.go.jp/region/n-america/us/security/scc/joint0605.html. 18‘Missairu Bōei Kasokuron’, Asahi Shimbun, 11 July 2006, p. 2; ‘Four US Ships to Get Missile Interceptors’, The Japan Times Online, 27 November 2006, http://search.japantimes.co.jp/print/nn20061127a3.html. 19For a full analysis of Japan's sanctions planning and its background, see Christopher W. Hughes, ‘The Political Economy of Japanese Sanctions Towards North Korea: Domestic Coalitions and International Systemic Pressures’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 79. no. 3, Fall 2006, pp. 455–81. 20Christopher W. Hughes, ‘North Korea's Nuclear Weapons: Implications for the Nuclear Ambitions of Japan, South Korea and Taiwan’, Asia Policy, no. 3, January 2007, pp. 83–93. 21‘Jimin Seichōkaichō Kaku Hoyū no Giron Hitsuyō Shushō wa Sangensoku o Kyōchō’, Asahi Shimbun, http://www.asahi.com/special/nuclear/TKY200610. 22Christopher W. Hughes, ‘Why Japan Could Revise its Constitution and What it Would Mean for Japanese Security Policy’, Orbis, vol. 50, no. 4, 2006, pp. 736–7. 23For early US hopes and predictions of Japan modeling itself on the UK, see Institute for National Strategic Studies, The United States and Japan: Advancing Toward a Mature Partnership, INSS Special Report (Washington DC: National Defense University, 2000). 24Yakushiji Katsuyuki, Gaimushō: Gaikōryoku Kyōka e no Michi (Tokyo: Iwanami Shinsho, 2003), pp. 2–39. 25This is the only part of NHK's budget the government pays for directly; the rest is provided by fees that go directly to NHK, not through the government. 26‘Japan and Multilateralism in the North Korean Nuclear Crisis: Roadmap or Dead End?’, in Linus Hagström and Marie Söderberg (eds), North Korea Policy: Japan and the Great Powers (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 151–70. 27‘Asō Gaishō “Rachi Shinten Nakereba Dame” Kitachōsen Shien ed’, Asahi Shimbun, http://www.asahi.com/politics/update/0206/006.html. 28Abe Shinzō, Utsukushii Kuni E (Tokyo: Bunshun Shinsho, 2006), pp. 43–70. 29Associated Press, ‘For First Time, More Japanese Disapprove of Abe Than Approve: Poll,’ The International Herald Tribune Online, 4 February 2007, http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/02/04/asia/AS-GEN-Japan-Abe.php. 30 Asahi Shimbun, 4 April 2007, p. 2. 31Michael J. Green and Shinjirō Koizumi, ‘US-Japan Relations’, Comparative Connections: A Quarterly E-Journal of East Asian Bilateral Relations, October 2006, http://www.csis.org/media/csis/pubs/0603qus_japan.pdf. 32Denny Roy, ‘The Sources and Limits of Sino-Japanese Tensions’, Survival, vol. 47, no. 2, Summer 2005, p. 199. 33Kyodo News on Yahoo! News Asia, ‘Abe's Gov’t Downplays Yet Another Minister Remark on US Policy’, 5 February 2007, http://asia.news.yahoo.com/070205/kyodo/d8n3i1080.html. Additional informationNotes on contributorsChristopher W. HughesChristopher W. Hughes is Principal Research Fellow at the Centre for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation and Reader in the Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Warwick, UK. His most recent book is Japan's Re-emergence as a ‘Normal’ Military Power, Adelphi Paper 368–9 (IISS, 2004).Ellis S. KraussEllis S. Kraussis Professor of Japanese politics and US–Japan relations at the Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies, University of California, San Diego, USA. He is the author or editor of seven books, most recently Beyond Bilateralism: US–Japan Relations in the New Asia Pacific (Stanford University Press, 2004; co-edited with T.J. Pempel).