Abstract
Abstract In Hurrian, genitive modifiers are morpho-syntactically treated as simply other attributes and are therefore subjected to agreement by copying the case marker of their head nouns (Suffixaufnahme). It is generally observed that, in the language of the Mittani Letter, when two hierarchically different genitive attributes are related to the same head noun a restriction of the Suffixaufnahme occurs, whereby the higher-ranking genitive, i.e., the one immediately dependent on the head noun, fails to copy the case of the head noun, and the lower-ranking genitive then copies only the case marker of the higher-ranking genitive. This article aims at proving the validity of this established rule by discussing relevant passages from the Mittani Letter.
Published Version
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