Abstract

The focus of this article is to reveal some ambiguities existing in discourse on middle class, particularly on causal relationship between the middle class and democracy, and to show some risk in applying such Western theoretical framework in post-Communist context. Therefore, the essential purpose has been to ask: what explanatory power does the term ‘middle class’ have in the analysis of post-Communist societies? Does the term really help us to understand the actual situation within the rapidly changing societies of the region, or does it serve only as a powerful metaphor of their ‘backwardness’ in comparison with Western ones? The practice of transferring Western theoretical tools to other social contexts is hardly new. We need only think of the transfer of United States modernisation theory to explain the ‘backwardness’ of Latin America. The theory and its constituent elements did not fit these societies precisely because the theory succeeded only in showing them up as backward in terms of the modernisation process. Similarly, if to use the concept of the middle class as purely descriptive tool for analysing post-Communist social reality, then it quickly becomes apparent that such phenomenon as the middle class hardly exist, at least not in the form it takes in Western countries. However, such implication says nothing about particular social realities or about the degree of democratic development in post-Communist countries. The enormous emphasis placed on the middle class in post-Communist intellectual discourse makes one aware that this concept is used not so much as a theoretical tool in explaining social reality than as an ‘ideological artefact’. Therefore, we can speak about signs of an ideological manipulation of theoretical assumptions, employing otherwise quite artificial models for the construction of compliant social structures, or at least presenting a simulacrum of them from above. Besides, the common practice of transferring Western models to the East points towards the dominance of Western political programmes in setting research agendas and in attracting sponsorship for academic work. Such negative effects simultaneously lead us to look critically at any direct application of Western concepts to the post-Communist world and inspire us to look for more adequate approaches and theories with which to explain the social reality of the region.

Highlights

  • This essay explores some of the problems involved in using Western theoretical models to explain the process of social and cultural change in post-Communist countries

  • Various surveys of self-evaluations of socio-economic status show that the majority of Lithuanians identify themselves with groups of lower socio-economic status

  • In the light of these factors it can be assumed that the democratic status of Lithuanian society is best understood not by its middle-class characteristics but by examining its values and attitudes towards democracy, its past experience of nondemocratic rule and the suppression of civil liberties and human rights, as well as by the favourable international context characterised by the spread of democracy and market economy

Read more

Summary

Ingrida Geèienë

Discourse on the Middle Class in Post-Communist Context (Viduriniosios klasës diskursas postkomunistinëse visuomenëse). Straipsnyje nagrinëjamos Vakarø teorijø panaudojimo problemos aiðkinant socialinius ir kultûrinius pokyèius postkomunistinëse visuomenëse. Tokiø teorijø panaudojimas yra grindþiamas ðiø visuomeniø vystymosi link Vakarø iðsivysèiusiø postindustriniø visuomeniø modelio tendencija, kita vertus, teigiama, kad dël skirtingo konteksto, kuriame buvo sukurtos ðios teorijos, jos vargu ar gali paaiðkinti postkomunistiniø visuomeniø raidos savitumus. Ðis diskursas tampa ypaè politizuotas, kai susiejami viduriniosios klasës vystymosi ir demokratijos stiprinimo veiksniai, teigiant, kad vidurinioji klasë yra bûtina sàlyga stabiliai demokratijai sukurti. Kiek viduriniosios klasës sàvoka gali paaiðkinti pokyèiø procesà ðiose visuomenëse? Straipsnyje yra argumentuojama, kad viduriniosios klasës susiejimas su stabilia demokratija kelia rûpesèiø ir Vakarø teoretikams, nes daþnai tas stabilumas remiasi ne tiek demokratinës politinës sistemos palaikymu, kiek nenoru keisti esamà situacijà, siekiant apsaugoti savo ekonominius, statuso ar vartotojiðkus interesus. Tokie negatyvûs Vakarø teoriniø modeliø taikymo skirtinguose kontekstuose aspektai ákvepia poreiká ieðkoti labiau tinkamø teoriniø prielaidø ir sàvokø, galinèiø paaiðkinti vykstanèius pokyèius

Introduction
Conclusion
Findings
SUMMARY
Full Text
Paper version not known

Talk to us

Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have

Schedule a call

Disclaimer: All third-party content on this website/platform is and will remain the property of their respective owners and is provided on "as is" basis without any warranties, express or implied. Use of third-party content does not indicate any affiliation, sponsorship with or endorsement by them. Any references to third-party content is to identify the corresponding services and shall be considered fair use under The CopyrightLaw.