The Middle Class: Political, Economic, and Social Perspectives

The Argentine Silent Majority: Middle Classes, Politics, Violence, and Memory in the Seventies, by Sebastian Carassai. Durham & London, Duke University Press, 2014. xii, 357 pp. $25.95 US (paper). Sebastian Carassai offers a penetrating analysis of Argentine middle classes during a violent period, covering the major upheavals that marked the beginning of the end of the 1966-1973 military regime, the turbulent and short-lived democratic restoration of 1973-1976, and the subsequent military regime of 1976-1983. The book's unifying theme is political mobilization and violence during those years, both by political groups and guerrilla organizations in 1969-1976 and repressive state and para-state forces that opposed and finally crushed them. Carassai focuses on the non-activist middle classes, the largest sector of the middle classes that neither openly supported military repression nor joined activist middle classes involved in politics, including armed groups. To capture the experience of this silent majority who opposed violence, Carassai draws on a large pool of interviews carried out in three different geographical settings that vary in size and exposure to political violence. He complements them with the analysis of a broad range of primary sources and publications, television programs, and advertising material that were produced for, consumed by, and expressed the values of the middle classes. Combining political and social history with insights from works on the cultural field, memory, and the state, the book first traces the origins and evolutions of the political culture of these middle classes, firmly rooted in opposition to Juan Peron and his movement since the 1940s (chapter one). While they expressed their solidarity to some of the ideals of the politicized middle classes, they also rejected violence and saw themselves as trapped between state repression and those who fought it (chapter two). More to the point, throughout the early 1970s, the non-activist middle classes explicitly opposed the violence of the guerrilla organizations (chapter three), which explains their complex reaction toward the military regime that combined acceptance, fear, support, and a selective and often contradictory recollection of the past (chapter four). The contradiction between their solidarity with the politicized middle classes and their eventual acceptance of the military regime must be understood in the context of the pervasive presence of violence in Argentine society since the 1960s. Violence was widely depicted in magazines, television programs, advertising, and humour that targeted the middles classes. These media reflected the desire for a drastic solution for a radical change of the country's political, economic, and social situation (chapter five). At some points, the concept of non-activist middle classes seems to be stretched too far. For example, Peron's victory in the 1973 elections and subsequent strategy did involve an appeal to those middle classes and their ideals (pp. …

Historiography/Historical Memory - The Argentine Silent Majority: Middle Classes, Politics, Violence, and Memory in the Seventies. By Sebastián Carassai. Durham: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. xii, 357. Acknowledgments. Appendices. Notes. Selected Bibliography. Index. 24.95 paper. - Volume 73 Issue 1

"The Argentine Silent Majority: Middle Classes, Politics, Violence, and Memory in the Seventies. By Sebastian Carassai. (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. xiii, 357. $25.95.)." The Historian, 78(2), pp. 320–321

SEBASTIÁN CARASSAI: The Argentine Silent Majority: Middle Classes,Politics, Violence and Memory in the Seventies. Durham and London: DukeUniversity Press, 2014.

The present study investigates the characteristics of class in two transitional societies as based on interviews in 474 homes. The author examines certain hypotheses (communication, mobility, rationalism, kinship, conformity, optimism, and marital adjustment) by which the middle class may differ in behavior from the lower class. While most of the hypotheses were supported statistically, the middle and lower classes in Central America vary greatly according to traditions and social pressures. J t has been popular to ask whethler there really exists a middle class in Latin America and hiow it may be defined.' The present article assumes the existence of the middle stratum and is concerned with some of its social and psychological characteristics. Interest is focused in the behavioral and attitudinal variables to be found in the lower and middle classes of two transitional societies. The discussion is primarily directed to the so-called middle class.2 It is the author's contention that this new stratum is a product of urbanization and industrialization abetted by commercialism and education. Although this thesis is hardly novel, it merits further investigation. However, the emphasis of the present study is directed to a comparison of class subcultures, rather than their development historically, in El Salvador and Costa Rica. The sample included 79 middle class interviews and * The present study developed out of a SmithMundt visiting professorship at the University of El Salvador in 1958 and a Science Research Council grant to return to Central America in 1960. The author is indebted to many individuals in both El Salvador and Costa Rica for the completion of this study. For some of the statistical calculations the author is grateful to Curtis R. Miller of Pacific State Hospital and to John R. B. Whittlesey of Questionnaire Analysis Program I of the University of California Medical Center, Los Angeles, California. 1 A few of the references on middle class would include Theodore R. Crevenaa, ed., Materiales para el Estudio de la Clase Media en la America Latina, 3 vols. (Publicaciones de la Oficina de Ciencias Sociales, Union Panamericana, Washington, D. C., 1950) ; Ralph L. Beals, Social Stratification in Latin America, The American Jotrnal of Sociology, LVIII (January 1953), 327339; Gino Germani, La Clase Media en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Instituto de Sociologia, 1952); and Andrew H. Whiteford, Two Cities of Lati America: A Comparative Description of Classes (Beloit, Wisconsin: Logan Museum of Anthropology, Beloit College, 1960), pp. 53-55. 2 Mario Monteforte Toledo, Guatemala, Monografia Sociologica (Mexico: Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones Sociales, 1939), pp. 261-262. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.215 on Tue, 30 Aug 2016 04:18:14 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Intimate Ironies offers creative meditations on the culture and experiences of “white or light-skinned white-collar salarymen and their families” (p. 45) within the modern market economy that was emerging in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo between 1925 and 1950. The author explores the efforts of urban employees and professionals to “get ahead,” or at least to stay afloat, in a world of threats to the distinctive markers of their status: treacherous competition for jobs, inadequate salaries (especially in government service), multiple part-time jobs (bicos), and a rising cost of living (carestia). These cross-cutting pressures were further intensified after the 1930s, Owensby argues, by political developments that marginalized them from a new populist political game, increasingly defined in terms of “class” and “class conflict” (that is, in terms of workers and industrialists).The book’s most striking contributions stem from Owensby’s ability to combine penetrating intuition, subtle empathy, and critical distance, as he explores middle-class sensibilities in a period of economic transformation and political flux (the “modernity” that looms so large in the freighted symbolism attached to the middle class, whether in Brazil or the North Atlantic). Intimate Ironies is not, however, a tightly argued and highly structured monograph about the growth and transformation of white-collar labor markets, lifestyles, and politics. Indeed, the reader will find that statistics are used only in a strictly illustrative sense and there is no pretense of offering a sustained or systematic examination of any single subgroup in either city. Rather, the author displays an impressive mastery of its cultural politics: the Brazilian “middle class” as a lived dilemma, an existential “state of mind” (p. 8) that is to be explored through “close attention to the ‘nature, texture and structure’ of everyday life” (pp. 48, 11).These “coat-and-tie men” (as he calls them) were loosely bound together by self-conscious distinctions between themselves and the world of manual working people below and around them and the “rich” and “well born” above them. Their “stubborn preoccupation with status led them to accept an unresolved tension between hierarchical imperatives and egalitarian impulses” (p. 243), he suggests, in a process through which hierarchy “became less a holdover from Brazil’s past than an instrument for negotiating a competitive social order” (p. 50). The insistence on being culto, for example, served as both a psychic defense and “collective will to status” (p. 60) for a group that combined life strategies appropriate to a more “meritocractic and market-oriented” social order with the use of the pedido (request for favors) and pistolão (connections) (p. 86). Through such sensitive readings, Owensby produces brilliant insights such as his discussion of the “reciprocity of an inertial paternalism” that characterized the relationship of “intellectual workers” and their bosses without merely reproducing simple patron/client ties (p. 67).The middle-class struggle for self-realization was most often conducted, Owensby suggests, on an individual and family basis, only halfheartedly as organized groups, and almost never as a “class” (p. 221). Yet he finds much that can be learned from the activity of white-collar sindicatos after 1931 through which “hierarchy [was] affirmed, renewed, and challenged through collective institutional means rather than through patronage and personal relations” (p. 69). Although taking their associational life seriously, Owensby remains faithful to his primary goal, which leads to a home-centered account that highlights, in detail, the impact of a new consumerism. The book also has some subtle and interesting observations to make about the dynamics of color and race within middle-class life (pp. 63–64, 96–97, 125–26, 127).In his effort to illuminate “issues of status and social hierarchy, market relations, and the taxonomy of class” (p. 10), Owensby makes use of a wide variety of written sources including a slew of largely forgotten novels on middle class life— some apparently quite popular—that are used to better understand “the gossamer threads linking personal life to the valuations, preferences, and ideals underlying political attitudes” (pp. 221–25). Given his interests, the use of oral history sources and a more active pursuit of personal diaries and family correspondence would have further enriched the study of this literate minority. Working with a “middle class” concept of foreign origin, Owensby offers a running dialogue in the footnotes—in which he not only identifies the distinctiveness of the Brazilian case but exposes some of the cherished illusions of the North Atlantic world (pp. 88, 91, 128, 234, 237–38, 249–50).Owensby’s chapter on trade unions reminds us of another peculiarity of the Brazilian case: the precocious associationalism of the white-collar middle class going back to the second half of the First Republic. As in Peru, salaried employees in Brazil appear to have unionized earlier and easier than in much of the North Atlantic world and they did so without overturning status hierarchies in any immediate sense. Indeed, one of the largest white collar groups in Brazil—the bank workers—took to the forms of labor struggle with such striking alacrity that they quickly assumed the role of vanguard within the labor movement as a whole. Rather than exploring this phenomenon for what it reveals about the range of tendencies within the “middle class,” Owensby merely denies their representativeness because he judges indifference to unions to be a “constituent aspect of the collar-and-tie experience.” However, union statistics offered in a footnote suggest that this may be exaggerated (pp. 183, 174, 180, 287).As this example suggests, the perceptiveness of Owensby’s observations about the private sphere find few counterparts in his treatment of the political realm, where his generalizations allow less room for ambiguity, tension, and flux. It is especially disappointing that Owensby fails to take a clear position in a central and long-standing debate in the Brazilian historiography of which he is aware (42– 44, 133–34, 240, 244): Is the military a quintessentially middle-class institution? Or one infused by an anti-oligarchical “middle-class” ethos? Or is middle-class discontent expressed preferentially through the military or its dissidents? Beyond holding to a thesis that the 1930s was the crucial turning point that defined the trajectory of middle-class politics, Intimate Ironies advances an overall argument that emphasizes its predominantly conservative nature during the populist republic (1945–64). This reviewer believes that greater familiarity with and research on the cultural and electoral politics of the era would have altered this aspect of his argument (but that would be a different monograph).Owensby’s study confirms my long-term conviction that the investigation of the non-manual “middle class” is a new frontier in our drive to deepen the “new labor history” of the last 30 years. Although briefly the focus of attention in the late 1950s and early 1960s (especially the seminal work of John J. Johnson (1958), the Latin American “middle class was [quickly] shrugged off the scholarly agenda” despite the fact that this unstudied “middle class” is central to all synthetic interpretations of the region’s twentieth century politics (pp. 6–7). (See Michael F. Jiménez, “The Elision of the Middle Classes and Beyond” in Colonial Legacies, ed. Jeremy Adelman [1999].) Given the unquestioned contributions of Intimate Ironies, any shortcomings are best seen as the price to be paid for a pioneering effort that will inspire many subsequent monographs.

A Digital History of Anglophone Demography and Global Population Control, 1915–1984

John J. Johnson's Political Change in Latin America: The Emergence of the Middle Sectors (Stanford, 1958) concluded that the “middle sectors” would guide Latin Americans into a “golden age.” The golden age failed to materialize and in the process the Latin American middle classes came to be seen as anything but agents of progress. In particular, much of the Left saw the middle class as a dependent and reactionary force. In the 1980s, the continent's “lost decade,” reports of the middle class's imminent demise became common currency as hyperinflation and currency depreciation eroded already meager incomes. Today the middle class in Latin America continues to perfect its ability to survive against considerable economic odds. Until recently, social historians had paid little attention to the Latin American middle class. D. S. Parker's The Idea of the Middle Class and Brian P. Owensby's Intimate Ironies are timely and welcome studies of the much maligned yet little understood middle classes of Peru and Brazil, respectively. Both Owensby and Parker's studies concentrate on the first half of the twentieth century and on large metropolises: Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, and Lima. Parker roots his analysis in a detailed study of Lima's commercial employees, although he does not restrict it to them. Owensby's middle class is more encompassing and ranges from nonelite doctors and lawyers to clerks.

In Sex and the State, Mala Htun makes an important contribution to the literature on Latin American gender politics, offering a detailed history and analysis of the battles over family, divorce, and abortion laws in twentieth-century Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. Dictatorial military governments in all three countries liberalized family laws (such as those related to marital property and parental rights), a surprising outcome given that, as she noted, “[d]ictators did not intend to grant women more rights” and instead “aimed to usher in a return to traditional family values” (p. 67). Yet, even though they embraced patriarchal values, they all ended up liberalizing family laws, because they also saw themselves as modernizing forces. Under the dictatorships, family law ended up being framed as a technical issue in need of modernization, as a matter of concern for experts. And the “closed nature of these governments insulated technical decisions from societal input, thus expediting change” (p. 5).Another major factor that shaped gender policies was the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church. A close relationship between the government in power and the church effectively blocked the liberalization of gender policies, while tensions between the two bodies allowed for reform. Ironically then, the Catholic Church’s strong opposition to the Pinochet government, its support for human rights, and its close ties to those who led the transition to democracy helps explain why women did not gain new rights with democratization. Until 2004, Chile was one of the few countries in the world that forbade abortion and divorce under all circumstances. In Argentina, where the church implicitly (and sometimes explicitly) supported the military dictatorship, politicians in the democratic era have felt much less constrained by the church’s position on gender policies and have legalized divorce. Similarly, tensions between the Brazilian church and the military dictatorship allowed for the legalization of divorce while the military was in power.To her credit, despite her close analysis of the role of the church in politics, Htun does not simplify Latin American political culture into Catholic culture. The chapter entitled “Four Normative Traditions” is an impressive overview of Latin American liberal, feminist, socialist, as well as Catholic thought regarding gender roles; all these traditions framed the legal battles she analyzes later in the book.Abortion is the one area of gender policy Htun considers in which there was no movement toward liberalization under either dictatorial or democratic regimes. She suggests that some governments were willing to challenge the church on divorce, but did not do so in the case of abortion because (1) the issue was framed in more absolutist terms, (2) there was a much broader coalition in favor of divorce rights than that in favor of abortion rights, and (3) the general lack of enforcement of punitive abortion laws “means that the middle classes have safe access to abortion in private clinics” (p. 154). In contrast, the middle classes could not divorce or remarry so long as divorce remained illegal. Finally, the timing of abortion battles matter. The Vatican, Htun observes, “became a more committed and effective opponent of abortion . . . in the 1990s,” and “the antiabortion movement mobilized on a global scale in reaction to liberalizing changes in North America and Western Europe” (pp. 168–69). Those who seek to legalize abortion in Latin America (and elsewhere) today face a harder battle than did reform advocates in earlier decades.The book will be invaluable for anyone interested in law and gender in Argentina, Brazil, or Chile, and it provides important guidelines for explaining the relationship between gender-related laws and regime change elsewhere, especially in countries with a strong Catholic Church. Htun says that her arguments would best apply to countries “that have experienced political transitions and preserved hegemonic religious institutions” (p. 175), but it is not clear to what extent her findings can be applied to all countries with hegemonic religious institutions or apply only to Catholic countries. Her choice of cases makes it impossible to know, since Argentina, Brazil, and Chile are all countries in which the Catholic Church has historically played a key role in politics. In conclusion, she looks comparatively at several cases—Uruguay, Poland, Spain, and Argentina (pp. 175–79)—which, like her main cases, all are characterized by a politically influential Catholic tradition. She notes that a review of gender policies in those countries suggests that the “strength of illiberal tendencies and power of religious ideas is not unique to Latin American democracies” (p. 175). But are they unique to Catholic countries? That is not clear from this book. Of course, no book can address every question; perhaps in a follow-up Htun will broaden her scope to include non-Catholic countries.

__Abstract__ With the growth of the middle classes throughout Latin America we also witness growing discontent and protest. The same has happened in Asia, Africa and even Europe (see the other contributions in this issue). More welfare and freedom is apparently accompanied by more demands towards governments, as well as equally more disappointments. Sassen (2013, pp. 125–126) explains this by pointing to the fact that the middle classes have been the main beneficiaries of the liberal welfare state. Now, however, ‘they are protesting against the state because the state is failing them – “austerity politics” is one important manifestation of this failure’. The question emerges: Is the increase in protests in Latin America really related to the growth of the middle classes? And if so, what would explain this dissatisfaction? For some it is an easy explanation: Middle-class people simply want a steady and ‘good’ job that allows them to build their career and that of their children, including good health and education (Banerjee and Duflo, 2008, p. 26). This perspective is increasingly under pressure now that inequalities are rising again because of the impact of the global economic crisis (Birdsall et al, 2014). Therefore, this contribution to the debate on what can be expected from the middle classes in a period of crisis focuses on some of the largest countries in Latin America in which middle classes have grown substantially over the past decade: Brazil, Argentina, Mexico and Chile. I will zoom in on Brazil, as this country by far has led middle-class growth in the region. Key questions that will be examined are: What are the implications of expanding ‘new’ middle classes in the larger Latin American societies for inclusive development strategies? How have their mobilizations and claim-making over the past few years benefited the poor? And following Wiemann’s (2015, p. 3) important question in this debate: Have the new middle classes really played a progressive role, in this case in Latin America? Below, I will address these questions by first providing a brief overview of the origins as well as the scope of the new Latin American middle classes, followed by an analysis of their changing roles and emerging contradictions, the street mobilizations of recent years, and how they perceive the limits to growth and the environment. In the concluding section I will try to answer the question whether, in the context of the current global economic crisis, it is likely that the new middle classes will be siding with the poor, or, rather, will choose to link up with the upper classes and their policies.

Despite copious studies on the middle classes, there is no single, widely held definition of the middle class. Some scholars define the middle class in terms of the relation to the means of production, others in terms of relative incomes, and still others in terms of consumption patterns. A common working definition might include those with incomes in the middle third of the income distribution; who work as upper- or lower-level managers, professionals, or small-business owners; who graduated from a four-year college or university; and whose primary source of wealth is home ownership. The sociological study of the middle classes has a long and varied past and has been driven by both theoretical and empirical concerns. Theoretically, much attention has been given to conceptualizing the historical middle classes in relation to other social classes and also accounting for the emergence of the new middle class in the latter part of the 20th century. Neo-Weberian and neo-Marxist theories of class represent two influential perspectives on the middle class. Both perspectives emphasize the importance of market capacities in shaping life chances and how the middle classes differ from the working class and the upper class on this dimension. Neo-Marxist arguments differ primarily in their additional focus on the relationship to the means of production as a key dimension of the class structure. A third influential approach to studying class structure focuses on the role of tastes, consumption patterns, and cultural boundaries in defining class relations and identifying the middle classes. Empirically, the literature on the middle class addresses the structural forces shaping the emergence of the middle class in different national contexts and how the political, economic, and social trends of the time shape the experiences of the middle class. Since the late 20th century there has been considerable attention given to analyzing the “new middle class” and uncovering in what ways members of this class differ from other classes in terms of political orientations and activities. Other work has focused on how the changing economic landscape of the postindustrial economy has led to economic uncertainty for many members of the middle class, causing an increase in consumer debt, bankruptcies, and downward mobility. The notion of social reproduction and middle-class advantage (vis-à-vis the working class) is a theme running throughout work examining the education system and studies examining religion. Additional topics of research on the middle class include the intersectionality of gender, race, and ethnicity; the importance of geospatial dimensions of space and place; and cross-national comparative work and case studies of various subpopulations and nations.

Since its ancient origin in Aristotle's Politics, the idea of the middle class has had three major boom periods, with periods of marginalization in between. The first was during the early nineteenth century in Europe. The middle class was the first explicit class, and it was hailed as a rising actor, against the aristocracy and monarchical absolutism, and as carrier of the new ideology of liberalism. Then followed a long decline, when the middle class was overshadowed in the global North by the worker question, the working class, and the labor movement, and in the South by the colonial question and anti-imperialism. After World War II the idea had a triumphant return, but largely confined to the United States, where it came to eclipse the working class in public discourse.The third boom, which began in the twenty-first century and currently seems to be ebbing, had its center in the global South, whence continental development banks and international organizations sent out reports on middle-class prosperity and growth into the demographic majority. Southern political leaders—from Brazil's two left-of-center presidents, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, to Vietnam's deputy prime minister Hoang Trung Hai—proudly announced the arrival of the middle class. After some resistance the notion was accepted in China after 2000, as a force of social stability. In the North too, there was a revival of interest in the middle class, but as part of lamentations of its decline or destruction.The Middle Classes in Latin America is part of the third middle-class boom, with some academic lag. It shares much of the post-nineteenth-century middle-class boom mood, uninterested in inequality, capitalism, social conflict, and protests, comfortable in the status quo, preoccupied with being modern, self-centered, and interested in social climbing and distantiation. There is no self-reflexivity, despite the fact that one of the editors, A. Ricardo López-Pedreros (in his introduction), and one author, David Parker, deal extensively with middle-class historiography and sociology. Nor does self-reflexivity appear in Barbara Weinstein's engaging but surprisingly little explicitly evidenced plaidoyer for a middle-class interpretation of São Paulo, launched from a critique of neglect of the middle class in previous treatments.However, geohistorical context—in this case, postrevolutionary, postindustrial, still aspirationally modernist Latin America—might illuminate but by no means define a work of scholarship. This is a work of very interesting scholarship, and your reviewer, a global sociologist rather than a Latin Americanist historian, read it with fascination—in spite of its format. The collection stems from a conference and has 24 contributions without any systematicity and connectedness, although they are given some order by active editing. Its sprawling size makes a fair review of individual contributions impossible. Its strengths are discourse analysis and ethnography, its wide national range (covering seven individual countries, from overrepresented Mexico to Brazil and Argentina), and its methodological and theoretical contributions to middle-class investigations from Latin American experiences, primarily in the introduction by López-Pedreros and the essay by Parker.The critiques of theories lionizing the middle class (modernization theory) as well as those neglecting it (Marxism, dependency theory, subaltern studies, postcolonial theory) hit their targets, to varying extent. But the remedy proposed is a historian's abstention from theoretical development: only “to question the binary understanding,” as López-Pedreros puts it (p. 18), or to let different approaches talk to each other, as Parker argues (p. 399). A book with The Middle Classes in the title could do better than that.Because of its tensions between, on one hand, social and economic heterogeneity and ambiguity and, on the other, an assertive ideological essentialism—as carrier of reason, moderation, democracy, and so-called sound economics—the middle class is an exciting scholarly subject, particularly in times, like today, hung up between social stasis and social catastrophe.There are, at least, two sets of intriguing questions, one referring to the Aristotelian idea of social middleness, the other to the modern idea of the middle class in different cultures and societies. What does social middleness mean in different cultures and societies with their hierarchies, in terms of characteristics and in terms of distance? What does middleness mean and look like in economic terms? To what extent and how has there been a middle-class formation in different modern societies? What role, contemporarily perceived or as found by today's historians, did the middle class play in nation formation? How significant has the middle class been as a political interpellation across times and societies, in relation to competing others—the poor, the working class, workers, and the people, to name some? How does the middle class operate as personal aspiration or differentiation, and as social force?This is a book of its time and place, illuminating them from many angles and raising a number of challenging questions without formulating them.

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Geisha of a Different Kind: Race and Sexuality in Gaysian America. By C. Winter Han. New York: New York University Press, 2015. Pp. xiv+237. $89.00 (cloth); $26.00 (paper).

The Argentine Silent Majority: Middle Classes, Politics, Violence, and Memory in the Seventies. By Sebastián Carassai. Durham: Duke University Press, p. 357, $25.95.