Abstract

This article compares and contrasts democratic in Pakistan and Turkey, two countries where Islamic parties came to power through electoral means. Based on a comparative analysis of these experiences, this article will make the case that democratic can be best understood through a three-fold approach focusing on of educational systems, economies, and social policies. This analysis introduces two models of Islamic democracy: the Conflicted Repressive Islamization of Pakistan, and the Subtle Islamization of Turkey. It also suggests that the Turkish model will serve as the inspiration for future reformers in the Muslim world. Due to a combination of internal and external developments, democracy is on the march in the Muslim world. There appear to exist very few credible political alternatives to democracy, and Muslims worldwide are displaying a noteworthy yearning for greater democracy. 1 As a result, parts of the Muslim world have experienced upheaval and increasing political liberalization, which, in turn, is increasingly linked to the rise of Islamist parties.2 In more recent elections, Islamists have achieved surprise gains in several Muslim states. This is especially the case in those Muslim countries where previous secular governments have commonly proven themselves to be inefficient and corrupt. Furthermore, an Islamic revival in much of the world is contributing to a growing strength of Islamic political parties. The political wing of Hamas won the elections in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). Islamic parties are either winning or receiving significant portions of the vote in the post-Arab Spring Middle East, including Tunisia, Egypt, and Morocco. Recently, Islamic parties have also won elections in Pakistan and Turkey, two Muslim countries with well-established and potent secular opposition parties. Many are concerned that Islamic parties in power will be antagonistic to democratic governance. Until recently, with the exception of Iran, religious parties had never held important political offices. Concerned with the examples of illiberal governance by Islamists in non-democratic settings, and lacking examples of Islamist rule in democratic environments, the very thought of Islamists in power sends shivers down the spines of many in the West. For example, in the 1980s, Pakistan's autocrat Zia ul-Haq institutionalized a series of sweeping Islamic reforms in politics, law, economics, and social life. These changes included an imposition of severe punishment (hudood laws) for grave crimes and attempts to establish interest-free Islamic banking. Thus, many fear that any Islamist parties in power will be similarly antagonistic to democracy, unwilling to compromise their ideological beliefs, backslide the same democratic system that initially allowed them to rise to power, show intolerance towards minorities, despise the West, and oppress women. The dispute concerning the relationship between democracy and Islam has been much debated indeed. Yet, the debate of whether or not democracy is compatible with Islam seems to be largely transforming into a debate about how democracy is compatible with Islam. Interpretations are varied, ranging from liberal answers that the role of religion for Muslims is to guide norms, attitudes, and values that can provide for peaceful relations between different communities within and outside Muslim societies on equal terms;3 to more restrictive interpretations demanding an unequivocal imposition of conservative and restrictive interpretations of Islamic law (shari'a). As many are struggling to grasp what a mature Islamic democracy could look like, and what Islamic changes Islamist parties in power may institutionalize, an examination of the track record of Islamist party governance in Pakistan and Turkey can teach many lessons. This article develops two models of Islamic democracy through an assessment of Islamic policies and reforms embraced by certain Islamist-led governments of Pakistan and Turkey. …

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