Barokowe „wojny” (z) ciałem

Olga V. Solovieva's book is an exemplary interdisciplinary approach to the concept of “the body of Christ.” She investigates how “the body of Christ” functions culturally, religiously, and literarily in various historical contexts.Solovieva's thesis is clearly stated: “What the book offers is rather an investigation into the topos of Christ's body and the very specific rhetorical and epistemological functions that this religious notion has the potential to occupy when removed from the immediate context of ritual worship or theology and used in areas where it is least expected: in conceptualizations of the power of the state, or the materiality of a book, or the virtual space of a novel of consciousness, or in cinematic apparatus, or in a business corporation, to name just a few of its possible protean transformations” (p. 5). What then is implied by the book's title: “Christ's Subversive Body”? Solovieva concludes that the Apostle Paul's use of this concept in the New Testament as “an ideological operator” (p. 10). Moreover, “It means not the destruction but the substitution of one system of meaning by another within a shared cultural horizon” (p. 11). This concept then “relies on the Pauline positionality of the imitation of Christ in order to undertake what they define as a shift in an established system of values—to change social perceptions, or to influence constellations of power by reenacting the divine law's incarnation in the materiality proper to their own medium” (pp. 11–12). Here is where there may be some push back; namely, whether the Apostle Paul's uses of the concept of “Christ's body” as an ideological operator. Other prominent scholars,1 like Richard B. Hays interpret the concept “the body of Christ” as a metaphor used by Paul to illuminate the mystical union of both the church and the individual with Christ (see Hays, First Corinthians. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1997).Solovieva's tome is an ambitiously historical adventure—covering the fourth to the twenty-first century. She does so judiciously and with keen precision.This initial chapter tackles an early fourth century bishop, Epiphanius of Salamis (Cyprus). The dilemma faced in the early monastic movement was: Are images of Jesus permissible in Christian worship? Or should these images be deemed idolatrous? Epiphanius argued vociferously that there is a difference between the concept of Christ's body (i.e., the Church universal) and the physical image of Christ—whether portrayed as an etching on a fresco or as an icon used in worship. Physical images of the body of Christ are to be avoided.Chapter 2 examines the fifteenth century Book of the Holy Trinity, which oddly served as an alchemist textbook. Solovieva makes the observation that through this book Corpus Christi shifted to Corpus libri, namely, the “body of Christ” to the “body of a book.” Thus, this book functions like a “sacred artifact,” something akin to what the New Testament scholar Larry Hurtado observes about the early Christian writings (namely, the physical texts themselves) in his The Earliest Christian Artifacts (Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2006).Chapter 3 examines the life and works of Johann Caspar Lavater (d. 1801) a poet-pastor from Zurich. His notoriety is now the forgotten science of physiognomy—a mystical—scientific approach to religious experience. Accordingly, for Lavater, “the notion of the body of Christ allows for an inclusive relation between the physicality of an individual and the physical whole of the natural world, since the divine will of the invisible God-creator transverses both” (p. 92). His key work (contra Kant's Critique of Pure Reason) The Physiognomic Fragments, which contains a chapter on the images of Christ, attempts to “train human beings to observe each other and themselves so that they can estimate and influence their future position as members of Christ's transfigured body” (p. 111). People are then to see the divinity hidden in each human body.Chapter 4 explores the great Russian author Dostoevsky and his reaction to Hans Holbein's painting Dead Christ in the Tomb (1521–1522). Simply, an emphasis on the dead body of Christ (minus resurrection) deeply challenged Dostoevsky's faith. Thus, in his subsequent fiction Dostoevsky intentionally addressed the necessity of a crucified and resurrected Christ's body for Christian faith. This lead Dostoevsky on a literary quest, as Rowan Williams notes, wrestling with “faith and fiction.” “Faith and fiction are deeply related—not because faith is a variant of fiction in the trivial sense but because both are gratuitous linguistic practices standing over against a functional scheme of things” (p. 127).In Dostoevsky's later writings, he tackled the idea of Christ's body being more than just a theological concept, hence, a social concept—moving “into a ‘big dialogue’ on the ethics of social coexistence” (p. 132). This was an apologetic against the writings of Nietzsche, Hegel, and Schleiermacher.Chapter 4 delves into the controversial nineteenth century Italian cinematographer, Pier Paolo Pasolini, whose landmark movie The Gospel According to Matthew (1975) had a scandalous effect on how to portray Jesus (i.e., Christ's body) in the movies. Of course, this involved Pasolini's own complex and complicated sexualized interpretation of the body of Christ. Needless to say, Pasolini was excommunicated from the Roman Catholic Church and died a tragic, self-inflicting death.One of the more interesting and salient chapters is the last one. Here Solovieva tackles the portrayal of Christ's body in the contemporary United States. She first addresses the impact of Richard John Neuhaus, a once Lutheran left-leaning pastor who turned right-leaning Roman Catholic founder and editor of the journal First Things. His book The Naked Public Square (1984) in many ways became the “Bible” for the neocons and Moral Majority in the 1980s. Solovieva also tackles the economist Michael Novak's theory of incarnate capitalism, the relationship of the church and state during the presidency of George W. Bush and finally the controversial Mel Gibson movie The Passion of the Christ (2004).Because this reviewer is a specialist in the field of New Testament studies, it does limit a broader critique of this book. The reviewer, however, has gained an appreciation for the breadth and depth of Solovieva's argumentation and the unwavering demonstration of the importance and impact of Christ's (subversive) body in the world.

The author shows the process through which the distinction of this triad in the sacrament of the Eucharist in the first half of the 12th Century is reached. He points out the primordia role of the School of Laon in the deciding of these expressions, getting together a series of the notions brought forth by the anterior theologists. He takes Saint Augustin as a starting point because theologists extract the notion of sacramentun and res sacramenti from him. To the Bishop of Hipona, understood in a broad sense, the preeminent res which the prophecies looked at, (the figures of the New and Old Testaments and the Sacraments), is Christ. In the sacrament of the Eucharist, he distinguishes, moreover, between the sacrament which all receive, and the res scaramentis, unitas corporis et sanguinis Christi, which are received only by those who go to the sacrament wellprepared. The heresy of Berengar, which tries to base itself on the texts of Ratramma which are accepted in their time as being the work of John Scott, calls the attention to the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist, distinguishing there sacramentun (species) from res sacramenti (Body of Christ). Lanfranc states that the Body of Christ is present in the Eucharist. Ivo de Chartres gathers Lanfranc’s texts as well as those of Saint Augustin, which suggest reflection over the relation that exists in the Eucharist between the Body of Christ and the ecclesistic unity produced by the sacrament. The writings of the School of Laon will look more thoroughly into that relation. In fact the Liber Pancrisis (before 1177) get together judgments where it is said that the Body of Christ in the Eucharist- In this work, and in the later compilations of the said school, the trilogy which are now looking intro appear ins its essence. The first formal expression of the trilogy can probably be found in a question of the florilegium of Chalons-sur-Marne 72, which perhaps belongs to Hugh de San Victor and is considered as a possible source of the Summa Sententiarum by Lottin. Its relation with the writings of the School of Laon and with the De Sacramental expression of the trilogy, which, form them onwards will be constant in the 12th Century.

The history of tuberculosis as a worldwide fatal illness traces back to antiquity, a well-known disease in ancient civilizations. However, its causative agent remained unidentified until the last decades of the 19th century, when discovered by Robert Koch. In due course, preparation of the BCG vaccine, application of the Mantoux intradermal diagnostic tuberculosis test and administration of proper antituberculosis medications eventually controlled tuberculosis. However, despite these significant advancements tuberculosis remained uneradicated, particularly in developing countries after the emergence of both multidrug-resistant tuberculosis and HIV co-infection. Presented here, is a brief review of the history of tuberculosis in the world as well as its historical background in Iran, mainly during the 19th and 20th centuries.

Semantics of figurative and plastic solutions of Green Man mascarons in the Lviv architecture of the 19th century

Impact of Tectonic Activity on Ancient Civilizations: Recurrent Shakeups, Tenacity, Resilience, and Change

The aim of this article is to shed light on a Biblical statement of accountability, which was presented by Moses to the Israelites following the exodus from Egypt. This statement of accountability is at the level of leader towards his people, and as such differs from other forms of accountability in ancient civilizations – in particular Mesopotamia and ancient Egypt – which existed only at the levels of the individual towards the individual, the individual towards the state, and the state towards the individual. Since Moses had a unique status as a leader, this study looks towards this status to try to explain the reasons that compelled him to provide the statement. I suggest that Moses, who led his people from slavery to freedom, also fulfilled the role of educator towards freedom. I posit that he provided the account as part of his capacity as educator as well as from his desire to be above suspicion, and out of his personal humility. The article concludes with some reflections of this account from later Jewish literature, in which they are presented as moral lessons for public servants.

Oldest medical description of a near death experience (NDE), France, 18th century

This powerful two-volume set provides an insider's perspective on American Indian experiences through engaging narrative entries about key historical events written by leading scholars in American Indian history as well as inspiring first-person accounts from American Indian peoples. This comprehensive, two-volume resource on American Indian history covers events from the time of ancient Indian civilizations in North America to recent happenings in American Indian life in the 21st century, providing readers with an understanding of not only what happened to shape the American Indian experience but also how these events—some of which occurred long ago—continue to affect people's lives today. The first section of the book focuses on history in the pre-European contact period, documenting the tens of thousands of years that American Indians have resided on the continent in ancient civilizations, in contrast with the very short history of a few hundred years following contact with Europeans—during which time tremendous changes to American Indian culture occurred. The event coverage continues chronologically, addressing the early Colonial period and beginning of trade with Europeans and the consequential destruction of native economies, to the period of Western expansion and Indian removal in the 1800s, to events of forced assimilation and later self-determination in the 20th century and beyond. Readers will appreciate how American Indians continue to live rich cultural, social, and religious lives thanks to the activism of communities, organizations, and individuals, and perceive how their inspiring collective story of self-determination and sovereignty is far from over.

Lobsters are important resources throughout the world's oceans, providing food security, employment, and a trading commodity. Whereas marine biologists generally focus on modern impacts of fisheries, here we explore the deep history of lobster exploitation by prehistorical humans and ancient civilizations, through the first half of the 20th century. Evidence of lobster use comprises midden remains, artwork, artefacts, writings about lobsters, and written sources describing the fishing practices of indigenous peoples. Evidence from archaeological dig sites is potentially biased because lobster shells are relatively thin and easily degraded in most midden soils; in some cases, they may have been used as fertilizer for crops instead of being dumped in middens. Lobsters were a valuable food and economic resource for early coastal peoples, and ancient Greek and Roman Mediterranean civilizations amassed considerable knowledge of their biology and fisheries. Before European contact, lobsters were utilized by indigenous societies in the Americas, southern Africa, Australia, and New Zealand at seemingly sustainable levels, even while other fish and molluscan species may have been overfished. All written records suggest that coastal lobster populations were dense, even in the presence of abundant and large groundfish predators, and that lobsters were much larger than at present. Lobsters gained a reputation as “food for the poor” in 17th and 18th century Europe and parts of North America, but became a fashionable seafood commodity during the mid-19th century. High demand led to intensified fishing effort with improved fishing gear and boats, and advances in preservation and long-distance transport. By the early 20th century, coastal stocks were overfished in many places and average lobster size was significantly reduced. With overfishing came attempts to regulate fisheries, which have varied over time and have met with limited success.

Man’s aspirations to grandeur, his dreams of soaring to god-like heights and his concomitant tendency to fall have caught the attention of artists and writers since time immemorial. As pointed out in Ovid’s Metamorphoses, Icarus – like Phaeton in ancient mythology or Lucifer in the Judeo-Christian tradition – is, in contrast to the circumspect and prudent Daedalus, the reification of man’s inherent propensity for transgressive ambition and immoderation. Particularly at the beginning of the 17th century, when early modern man becomes more and more dissatisfied with his humble position and – as John Donne complains – strives to be ‘a Phoenix’, Icarus conjures up the image of a new way of life in which excess replaces the old Renaissance virtue of mediocritas. Not only does Friar Laurence in Romeo and Juliet call for the strict adherence to this virtue when he reminds the restless protagonists of the fact that ‘violent delights have violent ends;’ numerous emblems showing Icarus’s fall are meant to admonish the reader to stick to the golden mean. Even women, the most notorious of whom is the titular heroine of John Marston’s The Insatiable Countess (1613), are suddenly aware of being ‘mewed up like Cretan Daedalus’ and dream of being endowed with ‘waxen wings to fly to pleasure’. Giving expression to early modern man’s longing for excessive hedonism, but also classified as ‘easie and familiar’ by Francis Bacon, the parable of Icarus nevertheless served to illustrate a newly arisen contradiction in which individuals, at the threshold of modernity, saw themselves locked. On the one hand, Icarus’s trespass proved to be the matrix for countless phoenix-like ‘overreachers’, who, like Doctor Faustus, Don Juan, Tamburlane or Macbeth, aptly epitomized the time-honoured idea that man’s inclination to soar beyond the human condition, to break with the idea of life as an imitation of Christ was a severe and blasphemous attack on God’s chain of being; on the other hand, in spite of his self-inflicted failure, Icarus tended to be regarded as the personification of the ingenious individual who ought to be differentiated carefully from the anonymous masses. Thus, the 17th -century poet and translator George Sandys got to the very heart of the ambivalent image of Icarus when he, in the wake of Bacon, wrote: ‘Icarus falls aspiring. Yet more commendable then those who creepe on the earth like contemptible wormes’.

The Poet as Translator: Mary Wortley Montagu Approaches the Turkish Lyric

In the course of two successive projects, the first in 2005 and the second in 2020, work on the fragments of frescoes in Mileševa resulted in the integration of five ensembles that could be reconstructed into the basic outline. In addition to this, certain ensembles were integrated that we cannot present in the same way either because we lack the knowledge about the complete appearance or because it is impossible to accurately determine the edge of the scene. As for individual figures, very likely from the first zone, a face from the 13th century was partly integrated and the figure of a monk from the 16th century. Of the inscriptions, two were partly established, the first which probably indicated the name Stefan, from the 16th century, and the other inscription in the circular field beside the Mother of God, containing the phrase 'of God' (Serb. B(o)žia), from the 16th or the 17th century. A right hand was partly integrated from the ensemble of a colossal figure, belonging to which were two fragments of an eye. We believe that this was a bust of Christ that was at the top of the Eastern wall of the narthex. Originating perhaps from the same ensemble is an ensemble of five integrated fragments, as well as two more smaller integrated ensembles, which could represent the lower part of Christ's body, in the scene of the Crucifixion. The red mineral mercury (cinnabarite) was used in addition to the earth pigments in the artist's palette, as well as ultramarine, lapis lazuli. The use of 24-karat gold leaf was confirmed on the fragment of a nimbus. Since pure gold was used only on the nimbuses in the narthex, and not gilded silver, clearly, this fragment was from the narthex, as we had assumed.

Conventional wisdom has it that the composition of music in New Zealand began in earnest with Douglas Lilbum (b. 1915) - that before him were a few minor figures but that he was the first to grapple with the task of developing a distinctive New Zealand musical voice. This view, however, which is coupled with the notion of New Zealand as a young country, with but a fledgling culture of its own, is increasingly challenged by the Maori people, and by the acknowledgement by European New Zealanders, or Pakeha, of the history and rights of those people, the tangata whenua, or people of the land. In 1840 the Treaty of Waitangi was signed by William Hobson, representing the British Crown, and over 500 Maori chiefs, establishing the basis of potential and peaceful partnership between the two races. In 1990, sesquicentennial celebrations of this Treaty have brought to a head the necessity for a confrontation of what such a partnership really means. The often uncomfortable results of this examination of aspects of both New Zealand's colonial history and its contemporary social attitudes may eventually allow for the flowering of both cultures in more than a semblance of equality. Meanwhile it is clear that a general account of the music of women composers in New Zealand cannot subscribe to the view that real New Zealand composition begin with Lilburn's Aotearoa Overture in 1940, and that no women of significance were active in the field until the late 1940's and 50's. The recently published first volume of The Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, for instance, which deals with the period 1769-1869, lists two Maori women composers in that early period, although Pakeha composers, male and female, are conspicuously absent. Significantly, in the Categories Index at the back of the Dictionary, the Maori composers are listed not in the music section, but as poets. This points to a profound difference between Maori and Pakeha approaches to composition. In almost all Maori music, both classical or traditional and contemporary, the words are of the utmost importance, and are almost always written first. Maori waiata, which is usually translated as song, is really sung poetry, and the composer revered principally for the power and beauty of her words. In fact, until quite recently, there seemed to be little separation between the words and the melodic line which carried them. Charles Royal, Maori musician and researcher, explains further: Waiata is purpose-built music. It was never sung in isolation, but was written and performed

Masturbatory activities have always been shrouded in myths.In the Judeo Christian tradition it has been—and still is—considered as sinful. In the 18th Century it was widely believed that this habit...

MATTHIAS HAUDEL (*) If the ecumenical movement is looking for basis for common understanding of and of mission, an obvious choice is the trinitarian understanding of God. Both the new trinitarian-based koinonia concept (1) in World Council of Churches (WCC) Faith and Order's thinking on unity, and the increasingly trinitarian understanding of missio Dei in recent thinking on the theology of mission, (2) are based on return to the common trinitarian understanding of God. This article will analyze the causes and ecumenical consequences of this development, as well as the danger of unconsidered references to the trinitarian doctrine of the nature of God. 1. The central ecumenical significance of the doctrine of the Trinity The growing recognition of the doctrine of the Trinity as an ecumenical basis for the churches' search for unity can be explained in no small measure by some historical observations. At the beginnings of the ecumenical movement in the 19th and 20th centuries, individual theologians of all the great confessions reiterated the opinion that the cause of fundamental ecclesiological differences lay in their different doctrines of the nature of God, and more particularly in the differing priorities set by their trinitarian theologies in referring to the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. (3) This view gradually established itself within the confessional families as well as in ecumenical dialogue, since the churches increasingly defined themselves with reference to the New Testament understanding of (koinonia, communio), in which believers' communion with God and one another is anchored in the trinitarian communion of Father, Son and Holy Spirit. This was true for the Second Vatican Council as well as the Luth eran World Federation (Curitiba 1990), the Anglican Communion or the Orthodox churches. (4) Many bilateral dialogues have therefore concentrated on this trinitarian-based concept of and of unity, but so has the multilateral dialogue sponsored by the WCC Faith and Order Commission. At the Fifth World Conference on Faith and Order at Santiago de Compostela in 1993, the first WCC worldwide conference with official Roman Catholic participation, first attempts were made to develop the koinonia concept as future concept of unity: If we are to seek unity on stable and healthy basis, we need sound doctrine of God as Trinity and of the divine economy in Christ in relation to the work of the Holy Spirit. These doctrines are...indispensable presuppositions for an ecclesiology of communion as well as for all efforts to overcome division with the help of such an ecclesiology. (5) The central ecumenical importance of the doctrine of the Trinity has become increasingly recognized in recent years, (6) growing out of the awareness of one-sided developments in trinitarian theology and their consequences for ecclesiology. It is also becoming increasingly clear that, in the last analysis, ecumenical progress can only be achieved with the help of an agreement on the understanding of the church, since the topic of church is a sort of concentration (7) of the Christian life. Linked to this was the realization, regained by turning back to the New Testament and the early church, that the understandings of and of unity are based primarily on the concept of God, thus on the doctrine of the Trinity. On the other hand, in the course of history, certain ecclesiological interests have influenced the way the premises of trinitarian theology were represented. On closer consideration, the determining of the relation between Christology and pneumatology, with its implications for the understanding of church, emerges as central ecumenical problem, because the constitution and shape of the depend on the definition of this relationship. It influences the relation between the authority of the whole as the body of Christ and the charismatic authority of individual believers, between Spirit and institution, between ordained ministry and priesthood of all believers, between local and universal. …