Youth Resistance Research Articles

Beyond resilience: Resistance in the lives of LGBTQ youth

AbstractResilience has come to define a wide breadth of impactful research on marginalized groups, including lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) youth. This resilience framework shifted the deficit “at‐risk” model of research on marginalized populations to a more nuanced strengths‐based perspective. In this critical review article, we examine this research trend to understand how the shift to resilience has shaped patterns of LGBTQ youth research. In doing so, this piece calls for a more sophisticated engagement with operationalizing resilience–which is vaguely defined and often upholds dominant relations in society, such as capitalistic, heteronormative values of success and happiness. We show how a shift to understanding resistance, joy, and pleasure in LGBTQ youth's lives promotes a more dynamic and complicated look at how marginalized groups navigate their social worlds and exert power in shaping these worlds. Acknowledging and uplifting LGBTQ youth's resistance and power are necessary in pushing scholarly dialogue and the possible interventions informed by research towards a more fully transformative framework in changing and dismantling oppressive societal structures.

3 - The Return of the Gods? Trends and Implications of the Rising Popularity of Fetish Rituals and Occult Practices Among Nigerian Youth


 
 
 In his seminal 1993 work The Embattled Gods: Christianization of Igboland 1841–1991, Ogbu Kalu argued that the gods of African traditional religion were dislodged from their stronghold but not completely defeated. Could the rising popularity of fetish rituals and occult practices among the Nigerian youth over the last two decades mean the return of these gods? Using historical analytical methodology, this article examines the rising influence of fetish rituals and occult practices among youth in southern Nigeria. It recognises the current attraction of the occult world as a subtle form of youth resistance to financial and social insecurity engendered by the modern state system in Nigeria, as well as youth resistance to the money-making ethos of ‘prosperity gospel’ evangelism. The article argues that, while the surge in youth engagement in ritual and occult practices may appear to be a form of re-traditionalisation, such cultural revisionism can better be described as an instrument of youth resistance.
 
 
 
 Jacinta Chiamaka Nwaka, Department of History and International Studies, University of Benin, Nigeria. Email: jacinta.nwaka@uniben.edu

Integrating Strength and Conditioning Into a High School Physical Education Curriculum: A Case Example

The goal of physical education (PE) is to assist students in the development of physical activity habits that will last a lifetime. To achieve this, PE teachers must shift beyond only teaching sports and games during instructional periods. Strength and conditioning programming is one alternative available to PE teachers. This article provides an overview of the benefits of strength and conditioning for youth and an example of one high school implementing strength and conditioning as part of its PE program while following the guidelines laid out in the two position statements on youth resistance training.

Ethical Dilemmas in Resistance Art Workshops with Youth

In 2017 and 2018 [Name of research project] organized two transnational youth resistance art workshops. These workshops addressed online social justice issues and placed emphasis on pushing back against technology-facilitated violence and surveillance in networked spaces. Our engagement with these workshops raised three dilemmas associated with these sorts of resistive social justice art projects. This article explores these dilemmas, which include how to enable the production of digital art in a manner that is attentive to intersectional issues of digital literacy and access; artistic appropriations of sexually explicit, discriminatory or hateful speech and their relation to cultural appropriation; and defamation, privacy, copyright and trademark considerations relating to artistic appropriations. In addressing these dilemmas, examples of regulatory frameworks shaping resistance opportunities and social justice initiatives are highlighted, along with suggestions for addressing these dilemmas for those who may wish to facilitate or engage in youth resistance art workshops in future.

The Promise of Youth Resistance Training

SummaryGlobal health reports indicate that a vast majority of children and adolescents are not accumulating the recommended amount of moderate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA) daily. This decline in MVPA has coincided with troubling temporal trends in muscular fitness in modern day youth. Since a prerequisite level of muscular strength is needed to move proficiently, developmentally appropriate interventions that target neuromuscular deficits are needed to prepare girls and boys for ongoing participation in active play, exercise and sport activities. Instead of focusing exclusively on aerobic activities, the promotion of youth physical activity should recognize the shared importance of strength, skill and aerobic activities for all youth regardless of body size or physical prowess. In addition to enhancing muscular fitness and improving motor skill performance, regular participation in resistance training has been found to have a favorable influence on musculoskeletal strength, cardiometabolic function, body composition, and mental health in children and adolescents. A new mindset that recognizes the critical importance of strength-building activities early in life is needed before this generation of girls and boys becomes resistant to exercise interventions later in life.

When William Came: A Prophetic Propaganda War

When William Came by Saki (H. H. Munro) is a unique novel in the genre of invasion literature. Starting after a fictional war between Britain and Germany, it depicts no scenes of invasion. Recently, there have been studies from the perspective of how Munro and other authors in the genre viewed Germany and Britain. Some studies also refer to Munro’s deliberate lack of depiction of the war. However, it seems that no studies have looked into the reasons why the war is not depicted. This paper argues that the story is not about showing British military unpreparedness but about how psychological weapons work. It could even be said that depictions of war would distract from the focus on propaganda and its effect on people. Considering this work as being about a British and German propaganda war opens up a new perspective that is different from previous studies. When William Came is a work that points out Britain’s unpreparedness for psychological war by imagining and detailing possible propaganda strategies. It has been said that the novel’s ending is unsatisfactory, as it only ends up showing the potential for youth resistance. However, if it is understood that this novel, from beginning to end, is about a propaganda battle, a war that is fought under the surface, then the final chapter can also be understood as a thrilling one.

Uncanny Citizenship: State Power, Stigmatization, and Youth Resistance Culture in the French Banlieues, By Hervé Tchumkam

Reviewed by: Uncanny Citizenship: State Power, Stigmatization, and Youth Resistance Culture in the French Banlieues by Hervé Tchumkam Cameron Cook Uncanny Citizenship: State Power, Stigmatization, and Youth Resistance Culture in the French Banlieues BY HERVÉ TCHUMKAM Lexington Books, 2015. viii + 181 pp. ISBN 9781498504751 cloth In his book Uncanny Citizenship: State Power, Stigmatization, and Youth Resistance Culture in the French Banlieues, Hervé Tchumkam brilliantly examines what has come to be known as littérature de banlieue, or writing born from the 2005 French riots that began on the outskirts of Paris and then later spread throughout the nation. The book begins by informing the reader that such instances of social unrest attest to "the strained relations between two particular groups—French citizens born to African immigrant parents and the sovereign power—as well as the treatment of 'difference' in contemporary France" (1). Indeed, debates concerning "Frenchness" have preoccupied many in the French political sphere, thus making Tchumkam's work a timely addition. Via literary, political, and sociological analysis, Uncanny Citizenship shows that "the concern of banlieue inhabitants is no longer one of integration, or of being accepted into French territory, but of being recognized as a community that refuses classification and insists upon claiming their right to exist as French citizens" (20). Tchumkam's reading of this littérature de banlieue breaks with previous analyses that examined such writing in relation to Africa. Instead, he argues that the country is "faced with an unidentifiable enemy and thus must deal with that enemy using different means from those France employed when dealing with immigrants arriving from Africa" (2). This distinction comes to inform much of the book and is a welcome contribution. Equally important is his hypothesis that "the 2005 urban riots, as a major mode of resistance, have led to the rise of a new community, one that eludes classification by the political authorities and that through that very gesture affirms itself as the ultimate manifesto by France's visible minorities for their right to exist in France" (27). The book's second chapter, "Criminal Identities," considers the relationship between criminality and identity construction with the help of the concept of the "banlieue parade," a term that is "understood both as organized spectacle and act of resistance" (31–32). For Tchumkam, unlike the colonial parade that is concerned with "the submission of the subject to colonial order" (31), the "banlieue parade" sees the characters in the novels studied as reworking their identities through participation in criminal activities. Tchumkam views these [End Page 236] transgressions as a plea, noting that the characters' implications in violence function as masks they wear to "turn the machinery of the State of exception into derision" (38). Chapter three, "Recasting Juvenile Delinquency," tackles the figure of the thug. The thug, Tchumkam writes, "as an element of stigmatization crisscrosses public discourse in France, and the sovereign powers under Nicolas Sarkozy turned it into a powerful argument for governmentality, or a campaign to legitimize political action" (77). Tchumkam sees this political action as a way of disciplining the thugs, with the ultimate goal being "making them more sociable and indeed more acceptable in a society that defends liberty, equality, and fraternity" (77). He notes, however, these notions as they are repeated in France are quite vague and thus allow for a deepening of what he calls "a cleavage in society" (77). In the fourth chapter, "The Islamist Threat," Tchumkam notes "a growing increase in the feeling of Islamophobia, a sentiment that has grown not only due to the attacks of September 11, 2001, in the United States, but also because of the violent riots of Autumn 2005 that shook France" (95). It is against this backdrop that Karim Amellal's Cités à comparaître and Abd Al Malik's La guerre des banlieues n'aura pas lieu are analyzed. Tchumkam describes how Islam is often perceived as a threat to French society. In Abd Al Malik's case, Tchumkam concludes that his book is "an indictment calling for the recognition of diversity of French Muslims as citizens, and no longer as indigenes intent on destroying 'civilization,' for France and Islam can indeed live together in peace and harmony...

Juvenile Crime and Dissent in Nazi Vienna, 1938–1945 by Evan Burr Bukey

Reviewed by: Juvenile Crime and Dissent in Nazi Vienna, 1938–1945 by Evan Burr Bukey Joshua Parker Evan Burr Bukey, Juvenile Crime and Dissent in Nazi Vienna, 1938–1945. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2020. 197 pp. Second World War resistance continues to have an important relevance to Austrian national identity. The main points raised by the research in Evan Burr Bukey's Juvenile Crime and Dissent in Nazi Vienna, 1938–1945 relate to two questions. Youth resistance movements in occupied countries like France and Denmark, and in cities like Hamburg and Munich, are well documented—but what of youth resistance in the "Ostmark"? And what do we mean, as Karl Stadler once asked, by "resistance," by "dissent," and by criminalized acts prosecuted by a government that is itself criminal? Bukey's research is based on records from the Viennese Municipal and Provincial Archives and the Documentation Centre of Austrian Resistance. Only partial records exist—many were accidentally discarded in 1999. Bukey surveys the remaining 437 judicial records, the largest group of which are from 1945. Individual cases offer glimpses of the family backgrounds of those charged. After 1938, treason cases were tried by laws based on Prussian jurisprudence in People's Courts, whose judges often abused and humiliated those found guilty. Aside from treason, Austrian criminal code largely preserved continuity before and after 1938, though now interpreted through "völkisch norms" (11). Bukey suggests that Hitler's regime controlled youth crime more effectively in Vienna than in other large cities of the Reich (162). During the first few months after the Anschluss, youths convicted of break-ins and petty theft were often sent to youth detention centers for [End Page 164] several months. More serious theft was punished with hard labor. Moral offenses, particularly homosexuality for those over sixteen years of age, were punished more harshly. But the most severe punishments were reserved for political acts of defiance. A turning point came with the introduction of the Reich Juvenile Court Act in 1944, which sought to pass judgments based on character. Children diagnosed as "precocious juvenile criminals" were sent to the psychiatric division of a correctional facility; youth deemed capable of reform were treated more lightly (122). Homosexuality, with arrests rising sharply from 1938 to 1945, was punished under the Austrian penal code, while illicit intercourse with foreigners was punished under Nazi racial ordinances. In Vienna, 75 percent of juvenile convictions involved property crimes, and absent fathers were seen as a major cause of youth delinquency. Much of the volume's interest lies in its vignettes of everything from angry public verbal outbursts to sabotage, including a sixteen-year-old arrested for stealing switches from Viennese streetcars in 1945 (152). An eleven-year-old was discovered scribbling "Hail Moscow" on scraps of paper in a toy store, which led to the arrest of twenty children involved in a resistance ring (35). A seventeen-year-old mechanic was sentenced to three months of confinement for questioning the war effort, refusing to listen to Hitler's speeches, and proclaiming that Hitler could "kiss his ass" (88). Five youths were arrested by the Gestapo for loudly applauding at a choir performance by Russian émigrés. Several teenagers were imprisoned for joining the Austrian Freedom Movement. Others typed and distributed flysheets based on British news reports and were beaten and sent to Berlin to stand trial for high treason, sentenced either to death or to half a dozen years of prison. Former staunch Social Democrats had often become radicalized Communists under Schuschnigg's regime, a transition that increased following the invasion of the Soviet Union. Of some two thousand Communists arrested by the Vienna Gestapo, at least thirty were minors (107), who were more severely punished than other resistors. After 1943, crackdowns were made on partial Jews, often for absenteeism, labor indiscipline, attempting to flee abroad or escape deportation, or spreading "false rumors" (109). Offenses committed by Viennese adolescents "mutated as the war drew to its conclusion" (126), with the increasing theft of goods that could be sold on the black market or food and increasing refusals to work or instances of tardiness. During the war, juveniles convicted of subversive activities (whether listening to foreign...

Giving Form to Black and Brown: The Art and Politics of Solidarity

Giving Form to Black and Brown: The Art and Politics of Solidarity Maurice Rafael Magaña (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. Nipsey Hussle Mural by Danny Mateo, Hyde Park Los Angeles 2019. Photo Credit: Susy Chávez Herrera “It wouldn’t be the USA without Mexicans/if it’s time to team up shit let’s begin/Black love, Brown pride on the sets again.” YG & Nipsey Hussle, “FDT” In the historical moment following the Minneapolis Police lynching of George Floyd, talk of abolition is in the air (Kaba 2021). The conspiracy between law enforcement, immigration enforcement, border patrol, and the rhetoric of the “War on Terror” has been laid so bare with the repression and surveillance of protestors [End Page 23] by the homeland security state that even those privileged sectors of the population who had not felt its collective knee on their necks have been shaken out of their slumber (Polini 2020; Rambo 2020; Vladeck and Wittes 2020; Walia 2021). As the existing political establishment and the social institutions that reproduce it scramble to try and usurp, moderate, repress, criminalize, and otherwise destroy Black Lives Matter and the networked movements mobilizing against antiblack racism and state violence, organizers and activists refuse to limit their demands and visions to mere reforms (Speri et al. 2020). Moreover, politicians of all stripes and mainstream media distract from the matter at hand— antiblack state violence— by obsessing over looting. Robin D.G. Kelley takes on this tired sleight of hand in his provocative essay in the New York Times, “What Kind of Society Values Property Over Black Lives?” (Kelley 2020). The answer he points to is the kind “built on looting — the looting of Indigenous lands and African labor.” The moral clarity of today’s organizers who demand nothing less than abolition of the police state and its carceral logic has exposed both political parties’ inability to match the radical vision and humanity driving the historic Black Lives Matter protests of 2020 (Maldonado-Torres 2020). Artists, on the other hand, are masters of making such visionary futures seeable and knowable. Whether through visual art, music, or dance, artists reveal the contours, sounds, visions, choreographies, and ways of relating that might help usher in an abolitionist decolonial world. Political rhetoric is ill equipped to capture the interlinked struggles around Black Lives Matter, antifascism, immigrant and refugee rights, Native American sovereignty, QTBIPOC liberation, and allied causes. Critical scholars develop theoretical frameworks and analysis in an effort to capture the nuance of mutually constituted yet distinct modes of domination and struggle. The problem is making this knowledge seeable and knowable beyond the paywalls, jargon, and prerequisite readings. In my own academic work, I examine how young people experiment with novel ways of enacting more just and liberatory futures in the present, most often by combining social movement organizing and cultural production (Magaña 2020b; 2021). In my first book, Cartographies of Youth Resistance: Hip-Hop, Punk, and Urban Autonomy in Mexico, I study how urban and migrant Indigenous youth in Oaxaca, Mexico weave deep family and community histories of organizing together with anarchist, autonomous, and decolonial politics (Magaña 2020b). Activists combine these influences with hip-hop and punk cultures to innovate new ways of doing politics, transforming urban space, and imagining new kinds of social relations. More recently, I have looked at how Black and Brown artists and activists co-produce a politics of solidarity that uproot the white supremacist logic of the existing racial and spatial order. This is a legacy that stretches back at least to the post-WWII era, when Black and Brown communities came together to carve out spaces of congregation, and joy through shared cultural expressions in cities like Houston, Los Angeles, Detroit, and New York City (Alvarez 2009; Johnson 2013; Kelley 1996; Márquez 2014; Steptoe 2015). [End Page 24] Multiracial formation and political solidarities take form in murals, find expression in hip-hop lyrics, and produce new visual poetics in music videos. In his 1996 song “To Live and Die in L.A.,” for example, 2Pac celebrated the potential of a Black and Brown solidarity politics, “Black love, Brown pride on the...

Keeping it clean: Graffiti and the commodification of a moral panic

Whereas subcultures such as punk, metal, skate, goth and emo have all been the target of moral panics in the past, the conditions that sparked these moral panics have since become banal and normalized, in line with Stanley Cohen’s claim that moral panics per definition tend to be short-lived. The moral panic about subcultural graffiti in Sweden, however, has proved remarkably consistent. Drawing from contemporary work on moral panics as extreme forms of more mundane moral regulations, this article deals with graffiti as mal placé in relation to both urban space and romanticized conceptions of youth resistance, rendering it not only a suitable enemy for moral entrepreneurs but also a reliable source of income for surveillance and graffiti-removal firms. Whereas the previous subcultural research has discussed moral panics as a first step of the commodification of the subcultural (), the authors use the example of graffiti in Stockholm to point to a commodification, not so much of subcultural style, but of the moral panic itself.

Resistance Training for Children and Adolescents

Resistance training is becoming more important as an integral part of comprehensive sport training regimens, school physical education classes, and after-school fitness programs. The increasing number of youth who are involved in sport activities, coupled with the health problems of inactivity and being overweight, have resulted in increased interest in resistance training. Secular declines in measures of muscular fitness in modern-day youth highlight the need for participation in youth resistance training for nonathletes as well as athletes. Parents often ask pediatricians to offer advice regarding the safety, benefits, and implementation of an effective resistance-training program. This report is a revision of the 2008 American Academy of Pediatrics policy statement and reviews current information and research on the benefits and risks of resistance training for children and adolescents.

Beyond Nationalism: Youth Struggle for the Independence of East Timor and Democracy for Indonesia

Beyond Nationalism: Youth Struggle for the Independence of East Timor and Democracy for Indonesia Takahiro Kamisuna (bio) On July 12, 1998, Indonesia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs was occupied by fifteen hundred youths. The “national” flag they carried—with its black, red, and yellow stars—was different from the Indonesian one and fluttered with the clamor, as they shouted “Referendum, Yes, Integrasi, No!”1 This symbolic protest toward the Referendum of East Timor was organized by East Timorese youths visiting Indonesia, along with Indonesian activists, who had gathered from Surabaya, Malang, Yogyakarta, and Jakarta.2 Organizing the National Front of East Timorese Youth (Front Nasional Pemuda Timor-Leste, FRONPETIL) as a movement to proclaim the right to self-determination, the young people occupied the ministry for the first time in its history. The symbolic protest demanding East Timor’s independence did not, however, merely result from the [End Page 73] struggle of East Timorese youngsters. There was also a political space in Indonesia that enabled the East Timorese to proclaim their independence. Two months before the East Timorese’s protest at the Foreign Affairs office, another dynamic demonstration, which symbolized the triumph of Indonesian youths against Suharto’s dictatorship, occurred in the form of a joint action involving Indonesian and East Timorese youths on May 19, 1998, in which thousands of university students gathered and occupied the People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) for two days. It was the most extensive student demonstration during the thirty years of Suharto’s authoritarian rule3 and his regime unexpectedly ended the following day, May 21, 1998. The involvement in this demonstration of approximately twenty East Timorese students from the East Timorese youth resistance group Renetil (Resistência Nacional dos Estudantes de Timor-Leste, East Timorese Students National Resistance) has received little attention because their roles within either (or both) the East Timorese or the Indonesian struggle have been ambiguous due to their having been born East Timorese, but educated as Indonesians. Nevertheless, these youths created a coherent social movement for independence and democracy by proclaiming demokrasi Indonesia dan kemerdekaan Timor-Leste (democracy for Indonesia and independence for East Timor) with the Indonesian radical front for democracy, the People’s Democratic Union (Partai Rakyat Demokratik, PRD).4 A personal story provides more details about this movement. An East Timorese youngster, Carlito Caminha, who was supposed to join the May 19 demonstration at DPR, asked an Indonesian activist whether East Timorese should join as Indonesian students or as East Timorese. The Indonesian activist replied, “that’s up to you.” The following day, East Timorese youngsters participated in the demonstration as East Timorese. On the second day, they again joined the demonstration but on this occasion it was as Indonesian students.5 Apparently, we can observe a common political sphere between East Timorese and Indonesian youths from this series of political events.6 This common sphere, however, deviates from the usual explanation involving modern nationalism, since the joint movements did not intend to create a single nation.7 By “Indonesianizing” the East Timorese struggle, the East Timorese and Indonesian youths created a common political sphere for referendum and demokrasi despite the fact that the East Timorese independence [End Page 74] movement and the Indonesian pro-democracy movement have been described as different political movements. While the creation of political common ground in the service of “nationalism” was a Southeast Asian phenomenon,8 why and how was this phenomenon able to go beyond nationalism? This series of joint movements has been infrequently described in scholarship on Indonesia or East Timor. Instead, most Indonesianists have focused on orthodox pro-democracy movements in Indonesia,9 while East Timor scholars, for their part, have devoted research efforts toward delineating the history of the independence struggle initiated by the pre-1975 generation.10 A few historians and anthropologists have recently begun to focus on the role played by East Timorese youth.11 Their analyses, however, fail to delineate the dynamism of the nationalist movement of East Timorese youths, which is inseparable from pro-democracy movements in Indonesia. The scope of analysis has still been confined within the analysis of East Timor as a single nation. This paper attempts...

“Si Geena” (Brat): Un-Social Digital Juveniles’ Episodic Resistance in Singapore

Abstract This paper explores episodes of provocative online articulations and the accompanying angry public reactions as part of the cultural politics of juvenile online resistance in contemporary Singapore. Rather than viewing such delinquency as ‘youth deficits’, this paper seeks a literary-culturalist standpoint in exploring the uninhibited audacity of these public online displays. We perceive such performances as reflecting the critical and socially unrestrained emotional subjectivities of ‘youth mirroring deficits’ of the ‘Emperor’s new clothes’. The authors propose to appropriate the colloquial Singaporean Chinese Hokkien term of Si Geena (brat), a label commonly used to describe these offending personalities, to frame the dynamics of youth resistance, and new media in Singapore. Si Geena are often un-social digital juvenile provocateurs baiting moral outrage and public indignation. In turn, societal responses to the Si Geena’s episodic resistance reveal the contradictions, insecurities, and volatility of Singapore’s reactive public.

Resistance Exercise for the Prevention and Treatment of Pediatric Dynapenia

Temporal trends of youth muscular fitness (i.e., muscular strength, muscular power and local muscular endurance) indicate that contemporary children and adolescents are weaker and slower than previous generations. Consequently, this generation of millennials appear to be just as vulnerable as older adults to the inevitable consequences of muscle disuse and neuromuscular dysfunction. The modern-day construct of pediatric dynapenia describes an identifiable and treatable condition in youth characterized by low levels of muscular strength and power and consequent physical and psychosocial limitations not caused by neurologic or muscular disease. An interaction of modifiable physical and psychosocial factors can influence the development and progression of pediatric dynapenia. Without structured interventions that target strength deficits and build strength reserves in a supporting environment, the divergence in performance between weaker and stronger children may persist into adolescence because weaker youth may be unable to break through a so-called strength barrier. Regular participation in a well-designed youth resistance training program provides an opportunity for youth to enhance their health and fitness while acquiring the physical skills and behaviors that support an active lifestyle. New insights have highlighted the importance of initiating strength-building interventions early in life to optimize performance gains in other important components of physical fitness. Developmentally appropriate resistance training should be integrated into school- and community-based youth fitness programs and strength-building activities should take a more prominent position in public health physical activity recommendations for children and adolescents.

Intersectional Interventions into Queer and Trans Liberation: Youth Resistance Against Right-Wing Populism Through Fashion Hacking

Ontario, Canada’s most populous province, recently elected a socially conservative Premier who repealed the progressive sexual education curriculum that teaches about queer and trans relationships and bodies. This election occurs within the broader context of neoliberal capitalism and settler homonationalism that oppresses the most vulnerable queer and trans citizens. The paper examines how queer and trans youth in Ontario leverage fashion hacking to intervene into the current context that reinforces heteronormativity, white supremacy, patriarchy and ableism. We draw upon a series of participatory workshops with queer and trans youth, most of whom identify as Black, Indigenous, people of color, disabled and/or working class, in two cities in Ontario. During these workshops, the youth deconstructed and reconstructed existing fashion media, clothing and fashion shows to express their experiences, identities and desired futures. We use an intersectional queer world-making framework to analyze the artifacts that the participants created as well as the interviews with them following the workshops. Our findings demonstrate that fashion hacking enables the most vulnerable queer and trans youth to resist and temporarily exist outside of right-wing ideologies, neoliberal capitalism and settler homonationalism. We argue that engaging queer and trans youth in fashion hacking fosters community and skills that can be mobilized beyond these settings to affirm their intersectional identities and resist oppressive movements, policies, discourses and systems.

Therapeutic transformation of juvenile corrections in Virginia: A mixed method analysis of benefits and challenges

Many juvenile correctional institutions have moved toward a punitive, adult-like management model that prioritizes security and control. In recent years, Virginia has reinstituted a rehabilitative approach in its juvenile facilities via the Community Treatment Model, a therapeutic model of youth corrections similar to the Missouri Model that emphasizes relationship building, community and family connections, and group- based treatment and accountability. Despite the tremendous investment involved, evaluations of therapeutic correctional programs are rare. This article reports findings from a mixed-method, mid-implementation assessment of perceived benefits and challenges with Virginia's model. We conducted 18 focus groups and 248 surveys with incarcerated youth and facility staff. Perceived program benefits included regular, structured activities; increased family engagement; and improved staff-youth relationships facilitated by consistent staffing and efforts to build rapport. Participants identified forced interactions; youth resistance to talking- focused activities; insufficient accountability mechanisms; implementation problems; and questions regarding universal applicability as challenges with the new model.

African hip hop as a rhizomic art form articulating urban youth identity and resistance with reference to Kenyan genge and Ghanaian hiplife

This study argues that hip hop, as a global phenomenon, is a complex assemblage of narratives and metanarratives, many of which are not necessarily direct, structured or causative. Applying Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of the rhizome, this study attempts a ‘mapping’ of hip hop in Africa through case study analyses of genge from Kenya and hiplife from Ghana. This representation helps in demonstrating and appreciating the complexity, multiplicity, fluidity and hybridity of African hip hop.

Transforming School Hallways Through Critical Inquiry: Multimodal Literacies for Civic Engagement

AbstractThe authors examined the research and activism of 10th graders (ages 15–16) involved in a youth participatory action research project in a course in qualitative research at their small public school in New York City, New York. The authors, a classroom researcher and a high school teacher, looked closely at how the youth researchers used photography, collage, and videography to transform their school hallways into a space for critical conversations about race and gender. The authors examined how the hallways became a civic space shaped by collective youth resistance, multimodal counterstories, and negotiated civic engagement.

Citalopram as adjunct to stimulant improves severe irritability

Citalopram, a serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SRI), as an adjunct to methylphenidate, a stimulant, can help treat chronic severe irritability in youth resistance to stimulant treatment alone, a randomized controlled trial (RCT) has found.

The erotic as resistance: queer resistance at a militarized charter school

ABSTRACT'The erotic’ is a power that can be drawn upon to resist oppression, pursue change, and build libratory communities. I extend Lorde’s notion of the erotic to include the shared erotic joy of queer youth and their queer resistive practices. This paper is based on three years of participant observation at the Military Educational Institute (MEI), a militarized charter school in Southern California. Students at the MEI actively challenged and resisted heterogendered, and militarized culture and structure through the shared pleasure of chasing games, dancing, and queer public personas. This article contributes to critical military studies by outlining avenues of youth resistance to militarized education and expands feminist theory by illustrating how erotic power can be employed for collective resistance of militarism and militarization.