Young Children's Beliefs Research Articles

Conceptions of aggression and withdrawal in early childhood

AbstractTwo studies investigate young children's beliefs about aggression and withdrawal in others with reference to the possibility of stability and change. Study 1 (N=41) provides evidence that preschool children (1) view aggression in more essentialist ways (i.e. they believe it to be more stable and less changeable) than withdrawal and (2) believe that friends hold a greater potential to create change in aggression and withdrawal than do other potential sources of influence, such as parents and teachers. Study 2 (N=25) replicates the findings of Study 1 and also demonstrates that by preschool age, children hold systematic ideas about the effectiveness of strategies that friends can use to change the behaviour of their peers. These ideas include the belief that prosocial strategies, such as showing peers how to make friends, are more effective than requests to stop engaging in undesirable behaviour. Study 2 also demonstrates that preschool‐aged participants engaged in essentialist reasoning to a greater extent than did a comparison group of 20 7–8 year olds. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Personal epistemology and theory of mind: deciphering young children's beliefs about knowledge and knowing

The beliefs that individuals hold about knowledge and knowing have been the focus of a growing body of work on “personal epistemology.” There has been general agreement among researchers about a developmental trajectory of epistemological understanding that takes place in adolescence and adulthood. Rarely has this research included children, however, and we know little about the origins of epistemological awareness or its early development. A separate group of researchers have investigated children's “theory of mind,” or the ability to understand others’ beliefs, actions, and desires, with primary attention to the onset of this cognitive achievement between the ages of 3 and 5. This article reviews the theoretical foundation for a proposed relation between these constructs, and reports on an exploratory investigation with 3–5 year olds, in which epistemological level was significantly related to theory of mind ability. Results are discussed in relation to a general timeline depicting the development of children's beliefs about knowledge and knowing, a process that involves an ongoing tension between objective and subjective perspectives. We propose that the trajectory of epistemological development be expanded to include an initial period of egocentric subjectivity that characterizes epistemological thinking prior to the achievement of theory of mind.

Young children's beliefs about the stability of traits: protective optimism?

Prior research has demonstrated individual differences in children's beliefs about the stability of traits, but this focus on individuals may have masked important developmental differences. In a series of four studies, younger children (5-6 years old, Ns = 53, 32, 16, and 16, respectively) were more optimistic in their beliefs about traits than were older children (7-10 years old, Ns = 60, 32, 16, and 16, respectively) and adults (Ns = 130, 100, 48, and 48, respectively). Younger children were more likely to believe that negative traits would change in an extreme positive direction over time (Study 1) and that they could control the expression of a trait (Study 3). This was true not only for psychological traits, but also for biological traits such as missing a finger and having poor eyesight. Young children also optimistically believed that extreme positive traits would be retained over development (Study 2). Study 4 extended these findings to groups, and showed that young children believed that a majority of people can have above average future outcomes. All age groups made clear distinctions between the malleability of biological and psychological traits, believing negative biological traits to be less malleable than negative psychological traits and less subject to a person's control. Hybrid traits (such as intelligence and body weight) fell midway between these two with respect to malleability. The sources of young children's optimism and implications of this optimism for age differences in the incidence of depression are discussed.

Beliefs about the origins of human psychological traits.

The development of children's reasoning about the origins of human psychological traits was investigated across 4 studies with a total of 316 participants ranging in age from kindergartners to 5th graders and adults. The primary methodology was a switched-at-birth task (L. A. Hirschfeld, 1995), which poses a hypothetical nature-nurture conflict. Two major issues were addressed: (a) the extent to which psychological traits are viewed as a product of environmental influence and (b) whether individuals can be primed to think about the origins of psychological traits in particular ways. Results suggest that there is an age-related increase in the tendency to make distinctions among different psychological traits and that over time, individuals come to believe that psychological traits are determined primarily by nurture. Results also show that young children's beliefs about trait origins are subject to subtle priming effects before an adultlike response pattern is seen.

Body dissatisfaction and dieting in young children.

To develop a broader understanding of young children's knowledge and beliefs about dieting and body dissatisfaction. Sixty-two third through sixth-grade boys and girls completed audiotaped interviews and questionnaires regarding eating behavior, attitudes toward dieting, and body dissatisfaction. Fifty percent of all children wanted to weigh less and 16% reported attempting weight loss. Children were well informed about dieting and were most likely to believe that dieting meant changing food choices and exercising as opposed to restricting intake. Their primary source of information was the family. Seventy-seven percent of children mentioned hearing about dieting from a family member, usually a parent. Young children are knowledgeable about dieting and the concept of dieting does not necessarily mean caloric restriction to them. These data suggest that the family can play a powerful role in countering the development of eating concerns and body dissatisfaction in children.

Expectancy-value theory of achievement motivation: A developmental perspective

I consider Eccles et al.'s (1983) expectancy-value model of achievement performance and choice from a developmental perspective, by examining how recent research on the development of young children's competence beliefs, expectancies for success, subjective task values, and achievement goals can be incorporated into the model. The kinds of change in children's achievement beliefs considered include change in the factor structure of children's competence beliefs and values; change across age in the mean level of those constructs; and change in children's conceptions of ability beliefs and subjective values. I also discuss how achievement goals are conceptualized in this model, and how goals are conceived by other current motivation researchers. Changes in the nature of relations among competence beliefs, subjective task values, achievement goals, and achievement behaviors also are considered.

The form and function of young children's magical beliefs.

The form and function of young children's magical beliefs.

The form and function of young children's magical beliefs.

Research and common lore suggest that children subscribe to a rich world of fantasy, including beliefs about magical entities and events. This study explores how children use magic to explain events they witness in the real world. Children 4, 6, and 8 years of age were asked a set of interview questions designed to assess general magical beliefs. They were then presented with physical events and were asked to predict and explain their occurrence and to state whether they believed the events were magical. The extent of children's magical beliefs, as measured by the interview, decreased with age. Regarding explanations of events, the availability of correct physical explanations for the events accounted for a significant portion of the variance in children's claims that the events were magic

Talking to young children about health: methods and findings

THIS paper reports the methods and some findings from a study of young children's health-related beliefs and behaviours. The 52 children, aged four to 12 years, are the offspring of a sample of middle-class couples who participated in an in-depth multi-inter view qualitative study: "The social context of the development of health-related beliefs and behav iours, with special reference to the family". The field- work for both of these studies was carried out in Edinburgh from 1987 to 1989. After completion of their parents' study, the children were interviewed privately at home using a variety of innovative meth odological techniques appropriate to their ages. Each mode of questioning elicited different kinds of responses which, taken as a whole, illustrated: that children give both "public" and "private" accounts of health and illness; can hold apparently inconsist ent views about health simultaneously; often show limited knowledge or understanding of parents' health-related behaviours; and may reveal weak links between health-related attitudes and beliefs and behavioural practices.

The Role of Racial Identity Constancy on Children's Perceptions

Summary Cognitive developmental theory suggests that young children are egocentric and lack an objective view of reality. Thus, they typically report what they see as being real. This study examined young children's beliefs about the race of the “real” Santa Claus. Twenty-four children were questioned about his race prior to and immediately following a visit by a black Santa. Results indicated that significantly more children who prior to the visit identified the “real” Santa Claus as white said after the visit that the “real” Santa was black. The results support the view held by Piaget and others regarding the young child's unique and variable perception of reality.

Young Children's Beliefs About Animals

Abstract Thirty-seven kindergarten children were interviewed regarding their contact with, knowledge of, and beliefs about animals. The principal expectation of the study, that young children's beliefs about animals would be egocentric and subjective was confirmed. There was also evidence of the beginnings of a more decentered and generalized view in which animal capabilities were differentiated from those of human beings.

Children's beliefs about instances of mechanical and electrical causation

Two main questions were asked regarding young children's beliefs about causal mediation: What sorts of beliefs about causal mediation are reflected by children's incomplete explanations of causal situations? In particular, do children hold a false belief in action at a distance or do they realize that something must mediate between cause and effect? When presented with a non-visible connection between cause and effect (Experiment I), the children's incomplete (Piagetion Stage 1) explanations either reflected the correct expectation of a mediating connection or else merely reflected identification of the causal agent and no concern one way or another with the issue of causal mediation. This was also the case when the mediating connection was visible and present at the outset (Experiment II). In neither experiment (both of which involved mechanical causation) was there evidence of a false belief in action at a distance. A third experiment involved instances of electrical causation in order to maximize the chances of tapping a false belief. The rationale was that, in their everyday lives, although children do have first-hand experience with the mediating connection in instances of mechanical causation, they do not have such experience with instances of electrical causation. The results from the third experiment were analogous to the results in the other two. It was concluded that, with respect to instances of physical causality, young children do not hold a false belief (in action at a distance) that is later relinquished. Rather, their concerns are, at first, restricted to identifying the causal agent and do not include any beliefs, true or false, about the issue of causal mediation. When they eventually do deal with the question of causal mediation, children hold approximately correct beliefs. In terms of school situations, these findings suggest a shift from providing the child with disconfirming data that will aid him in relinquishing his false beliefs to providing him, instead, with additional data that will supplement his existing, approximately correct beliefs.