Yemen Civil War Research Articles

Róg Afryki jako pole rywalizacji pomiędzy państwami regionu Zatoki Perskiej w latach 2014-2023

THE HORN OF AFRICA AS THE FIELD OF RIVALRY BETWEEN THE GULF STATES 2014-2023 The Horn of Africa region gained particular importance for the Gulf states after the Arab Spring, and especially after the outbreak of the civil war in Yemen. While the Gulf states mainly sought to use their financial resources to pursue security interests and strengthen their position in the international arena, the governments of the Horn of Africa countries cooperated primarily for the benefit of domestic policy. Building on the theory of regional security complexes, the article attempts to answer the question of how the rivalry between the Gulf states influenced their policies towards the countries of the Horn of Africa and what effects it had on the stability and security in this region.

Wave blockers: When governments use foreign military interventions to offset transnational political currents

ABSTRACT Why do governments use interventions to shape the internal political composition of other states? Many explanations focus on intervention’s strategic utility, which can include a wider sphere of influence and enhanced state security. Alternatively, this article argues that how regimes view the internal political conditions of other states in relation to their own political spheres dictates the utility that they assign to intervention. Drawing on archival content related to Saudi Arabia’s intervention in the North Yemen Civil War (1962–1967), the article tests this political-threat explanation of intervention against the strategic-threat alternative.

The Post-2011 Yemen Internationalized Civil War: It’s National, Regional and Global Implications

The purpose of this paper is to make an in-depth analysis of the post-2011 Yemen internationalized civil war and its implications on national, regional, and global social, economic, and political spheres of influence. In this place, the study uses a qualitative research approach. On top of this to achieve the stated objectives of the study the data was collected purposively from published and unpublished materials like articles, magazines, reports, and the materials available online. At the national level, Yemen has failed in worsening social, economic, and political situations portrayed by the civil war crisis. The internationalized Yemen civil war triggered grave consequences on infrastructure, and economic activities, in which trade; investment, and business opportunities were demolished. Besides, it caused thousands of civilians displaced, indiscriminately attacked, killed, flee their homes, and become refugees. Similarly, the intensive Yemen civil war deteriorated the free flows of oil production, commodities as well as maritime trade in the region. Significantly, the fragile conditions pave the way for the network of illegal traffic activities in the region. The Yemen post-2011 internationalized civil war has caused potential risk to international shipping transiting to the Red sea which is the strategic route for oil cargo and other commercial movements to the global market. Furthermore, the Yemen civil conflict caused the world’s largest humanitarian crisis and the European Union has responded to the catastrophes.

The Civil War in Yemen and Saudi Regional Hegemonic Ambition

The Civil War in Yemen and Saudi Regional Hegemonic Ambition

Civil War in Yaman: Do Women and Children Have Human Rights Protection?

Introduction: This article delves into the intricacies of the Yemen civil war, focusing on the human rights situation affecting women and children. The analysis underscores the severe challenges in safeguarding their rights due to limited access to essential services caused by the conflict. The article examines ongoing programs and policies to strengthen protection measures and reinforce global awareness of vulnerable populations in Yemen. Purposes of the Research: The research is dedicated to analyzing the gravity of the human rights crisis in civil war, especially for women and children. Highlighting the hardships they experience, proposing pragmatic solutions, and increasing international recognition of their plight. Identifying gaps in existing protection mechanisms, this research advocates for cooperative strategies that can ease the burden faced by the Yemeni and nurture a more promising future.Methods of the Research: Utilizes normative and legal methodologies to comprehensively explore the protection of human rights. A complete understanding of the challenges faced through a descriptive methodology, incorporating a literature review and case studies. Research information was drawn from relevant legal documents, media reports, and policy analysis.Results of the Research: The findings of this research unequivocally reveal that Yemeni women and children face enormous obstacles in securing their human rights in armed conflict. Acts such as murder, rape, and recruitment of child soldiers exacerbate this already dire situation. Engaging government and civil society efforts are urgently needed to advocate for and ensure the well-being of Yemeni women and children during this protracted conflict.

Civil War in Yaman: Do Women and Children Have Human Rights Protection?

Introduction: This article delves into the intricacies of the Yemen civil war, focusing on the human rights situation affecting women and children. The analysis underscores the severe challenges in safeguarding their rights due to limited access to essential services caused by the conflict. The article examines ongoing programs and policies to strengthen protection measures and reinforce global awareness of vulnerable populations in Yemen. Purposes of the Research: The research is dedicated to analyzing the gravity of the human rights crisis in civil war, especially for women and children. Highlighting the hardships they experience, proposing pragmatic solutions, and increasing international recognition of their plight. Identifying gaps in existing protection mechanisms, this research advocates for cooperative strategies that can ease the burden faced by the Yemeni and nurture a more promising future.Methods of the Research: Utilizes normative and legal methodologies to comprehensively explore the protection of human rights. A complete understanding of the challenges faced through a descriptive methodology, incorporating a literature review and case studies. Research information was drawn from relevant legal documents, media reports, and policy analysis.Results of the Research: The findings of this research unequivocally reveal that Yemeni women and children face enormous obstacles in securing their human rights in armed conflict. Acts such as murder, rape, and recruitment of child soldiers exacerbate this already dire situation. Engaging government and civil society efforts are urgently needed to advocate for and ensure the well-being of Yemeni women and children during this protracted conflict.

Arming the Yemen Conflict: Examining the Nexus of the US-Saudi Arms Deal, Modern Capitalism, and the Prolonged Warfare

With the massive flow of globalization, the last two centuries have seen the rise of the private defence industry, which offers a range of services and equipment needed in the military domain. These industries have had a significant influence in shaping the international political- economic order and in the context of global capitalism in the contemporary era. The private defence industry further benefits from the conflict, as was the case in the Yemen Civil War. The arms exports carried out by the US to Saudi and its coalition has been responsible for continuing the most severe humanitarian crisis in the world today. Seeing the chaotic situation, the US did not stop the arms deal with the Saudis but instead strengthened relations and multiplied the value of the arms deal. This paper uses qualitative research methods. With the conceptions of the Military-Industrial Complex (MIC) and the Defence Iron Triangle (DIT), the results indicate that the rise of the private defence industry has succeeded in creating opportunities for modern capitalism and a network of interest groups that have benefited from the Yemen Civil War. Thus, defence contractors, legislators, and executive bodies are trying to perpetuate arms deals, regardless of the never-ending war that becomes the consequence.

Understanding the Civil War in Yemen through Human Needs Theory

ABSTRACT This paper examines the current Civil War in Yemen based on Human Needs Theory. Developed by John Burton, Human Needs Theory rests on the premise that certain groups of people resort to violence when their basic needs are not met or when they need understanding, respect, and consideration for their needs. Needs for security and identity recognition are particularly salient in civil wars and devastating identity conflicts. An important conclusion is that many of the human needs violations that the Shia minority group has suffered in Yemen stem from the long-established Sunni-Shia conflict that has fueled this civil war. This has caused Saudi Arabia (i.e., Sunni) and Iran (i.e., Shia) to support both sides of the conflict. As a result, a significant number of Yemenis have had difficulties living out their religious identity and achieve well-being. In particular, not only have their basic human rights been denied (i.e., essential needs to maintain survival) but, also, basic aid to children has been rejected as well.

Risk factors for measles outbreak in Al-Dali Governorate, Yemen

Background: In addition to the recent civil war in Yemen, the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in a collapse of the health system, a decline in vaccination coverage, and the spread of numerous outbreaks. In 2022, a measles outbreak impacted Al Dali governorate. This study aimed to describe the demographics of measles patients, measles risk factors, and disease outcomes in Al Dali Governorate, Yemen. Methods: All measles-infected children who sought medical attention at Al Tadhamon Hospital in Al Dali, Yemen, between February and December 2022 were included in this prospective and observational study. Results: During the study period, 154 parents gave their consent to enroll their children in this study; 88 (57.1%) were males, and 66 (42.9%) were females. The mean age of the children was 3.56±2.90 (0.3–12 years). More than half of the mothers (n=88, [57.1%]) were illiterate or had a basic educational level, while most of the fathers (n=126, [81.8%]) were well-educated. Nutritional status was normal in most children (n=146, [94.8%]), and all children were unvaccinated. Most children (n=152, [98.7]) came from areas having measles and most of them (n=130, [84.4]) were in contact with measles cases. Health facilities were close (<3 km) to many children (n=151 [98.1]), and house ventilation was good in 66.2% (n=102) of cases while crowdedness was found in 135 (87.7) cases. Family members were 7 or more in 90 (58.4) cases. Two children under the age of 5 years died because of the disease. Conclusion: Our study showed that the main risk factor for the recent measles outbreak in Al Dali governorate was lack of vaccination, as all involved children were unvaccinated. Routine immunization needs to be reinforced through health centers in different districts and community education about the dangers of the disease and the benefits of the vaccines should be enhanced to prevent outbreaks from recurring.

A Complex Character of the Civil War in Yemen: A Perspective from Pakistan

The civil war in Yemen is a puzzling case, involving local, regional and global actors with conflicting motives. Till recent past, Yemen had not been a hotbed for sectarian strife yet, in the milieu of the ‘Gulf War-2003’ followed by the ‘Arab Spring’, the ground realities greatly changed, bringing ‘sectarian divide’ as one of the many dimensions in the conflict. While Iran continues to deny Saudi accusations of its great designs in Middle East, still we need to ascertain the facts by probing the complex interplay between drivers and actors placed at various levels. The study concludes that besides the ‘sectarian divide’, there are other dimensions of the conflict which are grounded on political, social and strategic aspects, directly influenced by the outside players. As a part of the real politick, Iran and Saudi Arabia are striving to have their grip over the Middle East including the Yemen. The study also concludes that the Yemen being its soft underbelly, Saudi Kingdom would not compromise on its stated goals of having direct influence over it, even if it has to pay a heavy cost. The study suggests that to realize a durable peace in the region, Iran and Saudi led coalition should bridge trust deficit, address perception problems and help various factions to resolve their differences by signing a ‘new social contract’. From theoretical angle, this paper adopts a realist line, focusing on security concerns of the state actors.

Saudi Arabia. Salman bin Abdulaziz and Mohammed bin Salman

Salman bin Abdulaziz who ascended the throne of Saudi Arabia in 2015 faced the challenge of abandoning the feudal pyramid and establishing a new power vertical. Volatility in oil prices and falling budget revenues posed a threat to social stability. Additional drivers of instability were the military involvement in the civil war in Yemen, Sunni-Shiite contradictions in the Eastern Province, and tensions with Qatar. In 2016, the Vision 2030 program, which entailed profound reforms, was adopted. It suggested the IPO of Saudi ARAMCO, the development of non-oil sectors, in particular tourism, the accelerated expansion of the private sector, labor market reforms, including greater women’s participation in labor force, and weakening the conservative control of the Wahhabi corporation over society. The first stage of the implementation of Vision 2030 provided for the expansion of cooperation with the United States, especially after the administration of D.Trump came into office, and for more political interaction with Washington, but at the same time encouraged the development of mutually beneficial ties with Russia. Inside the kingdom, the course of reforms drew both the support of a part of society interested in their implementation as it understood the urgency of significant changes, and the opposition of another part that aimed at protecting its privileges and maintaining strict Wahhabi traditions. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman became the personification of the new course.

New Insights into Vibrio cholerae Biofilms from Molecular Biophysics to Microbial Ecology.

With the discovery that 48% of cholera infections in rural Bangladesh villages could be prevented by simple filtration of unpurified waters and the detection of Vibrio cholerae aggregates in stools from cholera patients it was realized V. cholerae biofilms had a central function in cholera pathogenesis. We are currently in the seventh cholera pandemic, caused by O1 serotypes of the El Tor biotypes strains, which initiated in 1961. It is estimated that V. cholerae annually causes millions of infections and over 100,000 deaths. Given the continued emergence of cholera in areas that lack access to clean water, such as Haiti after the 2010 earthquake or the ongoing Yemen civil war, increasing our understanding of cholera disease remains a worldwide public health priority. The surveillance and treatment of cholera is also affected as the world is impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic, raising significant concerns in Africa. In addition to the importance of biofilm formation in its life cycle, V. cholerae has become a key model system for understanding bacterial signal transduction networks that regulate biofilm formation and discovering fundamental principles about bacterial surface attachment and biofilm maturation. This chapter will highlight recent insights into V. cholerae biofilms including their structure, ecological role in environmental survival and infection, regulatory systems that control them, and biomechanical insights into the nature of V. cholerae biofilms.

Can the Arab World be Democratic: An Analytic Study from the Perspective of the Arab Spring

This article deals with the democratisation debate in the Arab world. The region remains one of the least receptive regions in the world towards the popularly and universally accepted Western norm of liberal Democracy. This is at odds with the location and general direction in which these nations and the people of these nations look for inspiration and direction. Today the Arab world stands at a crossroads, seemingly torn between the forces of the new Cold War. The region appears to be a new battlefield for the proxy war between the West and Russia, with Syria and Yemen being the best examples of this phenomenon. This is particularly tragic, given that in the last Cold War that started in 1945 and ended in 1991, this region was the zone of a number hot-engagements that resulted in hundreds of thousands of deaths, displacement of people, huge refugee crises (the Palestine-Israel issue, Yemen Civil War, etc) and general instability in the region. This instability in turn provided the impetus for Strong-men and Dictators to take charge in many nations of the region. As a result, the move towards a liberal democratic stature in the region took a back-burner. This article will seek to look at this issue from the perspective of the Arab Spring. Keywords: Democratic, Arab world, Arab spring

The Social Construction of a ‘Pan-Arabist Hero’: Gamal Abdel Nasser

This article investigates the social construction of Gamal Abdel Nasser’s pan-Arab identity from a social constructivist theoretical approach. In this sense, it scrutinizes how Nasser came to be constructed as a pan-Arab hero by cleverly manipulating the symbolic politics and establishing socially and politically binding pan-Arab norms and eventually made himself constrained by them. This study also examines social constructivism’s explanatory power as a theoretical model in understanding and explaining Nasser’s political motives and moves by comparing it with that of rationalism. It is argued that Nasser’s power did not come from the economic or military capabilities, as rationalism fails to explain, but his power came from his ability to frame the events within a historical narrative in such a rhetorical way to establish new Arab norms. He was the leading figure in the establishment of United Arab Republic, North Yemen Civil War and The Six-Day War of 1967, despite all were against his and Egypt’s absolute material national interests. This article analyzes the path to nationalist ascent and descent of Nasser’s Arabism by chronologically scrutinizing on the discourses and events in order to examine the power of the given theories in explaining each period.

Editor's Note

As of this issue, AUSTRAL presents eight articles, with authors from countries not yet represented: Oman, Jordan, Vietnam and Peru. The first two are general in nature, addressing the Sino-American hegemonic shift through Giovanni Arrighi’s accumulation cycles and the power of American digital technology multinationals. Afterwards, the role of China in the stability of the Taliban’s Afghanistan is analysed and then, in the same region, the role of the Sultanate of Oman in the Yemen Civil War. Next, there is an article on Maritime Security in the Indo-Pacific, based on the perception of analysts from the region itself. Another innovative topic, in the context of slow and interminable negotiations between the European Union and Mercosur, is a historical analysis of the contradictions between the European Community and Latin American integration in the late 1980s. Also original is the discussion on the civilizational divide of the far-right from the perspective of German politics. Finally, Mozambique’s foreign policy under the presidencies of Samora Machel and Joaquim Chissano receives an exciting overview.

Civil war and death in Yemen: Analysis of SMART survey and ACLED data, 2012-2019.

Conflict in Yemen has displaced millions and destroyed health infrastructure, resulting in the world's largest humanitarian disaster. The objective of this paper is to examine mortality in Yemen to determine whether it has increased significantly since the conflict began in 2015 compared to the preceding period. We analysed 91 household surveys using the Standardized Monitoring and Assessment of Relief and Transitions methodology, covering 2,864 clusters undertaken from 2012-2019, and deaths from Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project database covering the conflict period 2015-2019. We used a Poisson-Gamma model to estimate pre-conflict (μp, baseline value) and conflict period (μc) mean death rates using household survey data from 2012-2019. To analyse changes in the distribution of deaths and estimate nationwide excess deaths, we applied pre- and post-conflict death rates to total population numbers. Further, we tested for association between excess death and security levels by governorate. The national estimated crude death rate/10,000 in the conflict period was 0.20 (95% CI: 0.17, 0.24), which is meaningfully higher than the estimated baseline rate of 0.19 (95% CI: 0.17, 0.22). Applying the conflict period rate to the Yemeni population, we estimated 168,212 excess deaths that occurred between 2015 and 2019. There was an 17.8% increase in overall deaths above the baseline during the conflict period. A large share (67.2%) of the excess deaths were due to combat-related violence. At the governorate level, posterior crude death rate varied across the country, ranging from 0.03 to 0.63 per 10,000 per day. Hajjah, Ibb, and Al Jawf governorates presented the highest total excess deaths. Insecurity level was not statistically associated with excess deaths. The health situation in Yemen was poor before the crisis in 2015. During the conflict, intentional violence from air and ground strikes were responsible for more deaths than indirect or non-violent causes. The provision of humanitarian aid by foreign agencies may have helped contain increases in indirect deaths from the conflict.

The Religious-Political Ideology of Houthis’ Rebellion in Yemen: Theoretical Perspective of the Divine Right to Rule

This article examines the religious-political ideology of the Houthi movement in Yemen. In particular, it explores the political objectives and historical roots of the Houthis’ rebellion that was initiated in 2004 and continued into 2009 through six rounds of wars, which were called Sa’dah wars. The Houthis implemented a military coup in 2014 against Mansour Hadi’s government and seized state institutions which led to Yemen’s current civil war. A catastrophic battle also erupted when the Saudi-led military coalition decided to intervene in the conflict in 2015, with the aim of restoring the legitimacy of the previous regime as well as defeating the Houthis insurgency. Despite numerous studies on the issues relating to civil war in Yemen, there is no adequate study on the perspective of Houthis’ religious-political ideology. This research is qualitative using in-depth interviews with seven experts and observers of the Yemeni war. This article analyses major reasons for the historical rebellion and the ongoing catastrophic war in Yemen, based on the Houthis’ religious-political ideology. The findings of this article inform that the current conflict in Yemen is rooted in historical circumstances which gave rise to a heavy responsibility or burden on the Houthis, whereby according to the theory of the divine right to rule, the Houthis and their ancestors, the Hashemites claim the monopoly of regional (present day Yemen) power. Thus, this theory has been considered as one of the key dynamics of the outbreak and the continuation of the current war in Yemen. It is very likely that the trend of increased Houthis’ rebellion will continue for the next few years in Yemen due to the movement’s firm aim of power struggle, based on their religious-political ideology of the ‘divine right to rule’.

“We Are All Suffering Equally”: The Impact of the War on Muwalladin in Yemen

Abstract This article focuses on the impact of the war on people of mixed Yemeni-African descent in Yemen. These so-called muwalladin have been the target of discriminatory practices for decades. Since the start of the civil war in Yemen, stigmatization and discrimination on the basis of one's family background has increased. Based on a qualitative study among muwalladin in Yemen we argue that discrimination on the basis of race and gender is highly prevalent in Yemen, even though many interviewees were of the opinion that differences between Yemenis had decreased as a result of the war because “everyone is suffering equally.” Indeed, the daily lives of the Yemeni population are affected on many different levels, yet those who are considered second class citizens based on the intersection of their gender, race, lineage, and skin color, are suffering more than others.

Youth, Transitional Justice and Art: Documenting War on the Streets of Sana’a, Yemen

ABSTRACT The role and impact of youth and art in war is multifaceted. In this article, presented as a dialogue, Yemeni street artist ThiYazan Al-Alawi shares his views on art, youth and justice in the midst of seven years of civil war in Yemen. His work is part documentation, part memorialization, part analysis, part therapy and part dissent. The artist first reflects on how he started, doing street art around the city, and how protest and war shaped his style and the topics he chose to cover. Al-Alawi explains how art in conflict zones addresses its audience, and how each of his own pieces has a mission. He also discusses recent collaborations with artists abroad which communicate to the outside world what is happening to him and his country. Throughout the dialogue, Al-Alawi gives advice on how the international community should support youth, and how art can be used for social dialogue and accountability. The article also includes selected photos of murals by Al-Alawi and his collaborators.

Description of oral and maxillofacial ballistic missile injuries based on tactics and terrain of conflict in Yemen civil war: account from a level 1 trauma center in Najran, Saudi Arabia

article: Description of oral and maxillofacial ballistic missile injuries based on tactics and terrain of conflict in Yemen civil war: account from a level 1 trauma center in Najran, Saudi Arabia - European Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery 2022 April;6(1):17-23 - Minerva Medica - Journals