Years Of Statehood Research Articles

Rising Arizona: The Legacy of the Jim Crow Southwest on Immigration Law and Policy After 100 Years of Statehood

United States immigration law and policy is one the most controversial issues of our day, and perhaps no location has come under more scrutiny for the way it has attempted to deal with the problem of undocumented immigration than the State of Arizona. Though Arizona recently became notorious for its “papers please” law, SB 1070, the American Southwest has long been a bastion of discriminatory race-based law and policy – immigration and otherwise – directed toward Latinos, American Indians, African-Americans, and other non-White racial and ethnic minorities. While largely ignored by both legal and American historians, the so-called “Jim Crow Southwest” nonetheless persisted throughout the nineteenth and much of the twentieth century in both the Arizona Territory and the State of Arizona, forming the basis for, and giving shape to, laws meant to exclude and limit the participation of non-White persons in Southwestern society.The State of Arizona, the last of the forty-eight contiguous States to be admitted to the Union, marked its 100th year of statehood on February 14, 2012. A few months later, on June 25, 2012, the United States Supreme Court issued its landmark decision in United States v. Arizona, striking down the majority of Arizona’s aggressive state immigration enforcement law, S.B. 1070, as preempted by federal law. This Article discusses recent developments in Arizona immigration law and policy. By providing an overview of the history of race-based exclusion laws and policies in the Arizona Territory and the State of Arizona, it argues that Arizona’s modern anti-immigrant laws and policies are merely the newest incarnation of the State’s long history of discriminatory laws against racial and ethnic minorities, particularly Latinos and American Indians. In attempting to trace the genesis of racial animus toward non-Whites in the Southwest, Part I provides a historical overview of the Arizona Territory in the nineteenth century, including the development of the New Mexico Territory, the Confederate Territory of Arizona, and the impact of slavery and other race-based discrimination and exclusion laws in the Southwest. Part II discusses twentieth century race and immigration based policies in the Jim Crow Southwest that restricted and segregated the civil rights of non-Whites in the areas of marriage, education, and voting. Part III discusses the continuing legacy of the Jim Crow Southwest on the development of modern immigration law and policy in Arizona, and in particular, the aftermath of S.B. 1070’s passage in April 2010, Arizona’s subsequent rise as “ground zero” for state and local enforcement of immigration law in the United States, and the Supreme Court’s decisions in United States v. Arizona in 2012 and Arizona v. Inter-Tribal Council of Arizona in 2013. Finally, the article concludes by summarizing how the historical evidence presented in this paper rebuts the claim that only in recent years has Arizona begun to “drown[] in a sea of extremism” and become “the mecca for prejudice and bigotry,” and argues that Arizona has a long history of race-based exclusion laws and intolerance toward racial and ethnic minorities that has only now begun to garner attention on the national stage.

The Contemporary Historiographical Debate in Israel on Government Policies on Arabs in Israel During the Military Administration Period (1948–1966)

The historiographical debate over Israel’s early statehood policy on its Arab minority intensified in the last two decades. A new wave of historiography emerged in the 1990s and joined the two traditional waves in this debate: supporters and critics. While the supporters sought to justify the policy in retrospect and the critics denounced it, members of the third wave strove to offer a more balanced analysis, taking into account both positive and negative aspects of the policy. Asking similar questions but applying different points of view and methodologies to their inquiry into the past, the members of these three historiographical streams reached different, often contradictory, conclusions. This contemporary historiographical debate is yet another illustration of the growing connection between contemporary Israeli society and its formative years of statehood. Then and now, the issue at stake was the extent to which the Jewish state was obligated to maintain its democratic character and treat all its citizens equally.

New Mexico: Celebrating One Hundred Years of Statehood, a Recovering Economy, and a Balanced Budget

DOI 10.1515/cjpp-2013-0028 Calif. J. Politics Policy 2013; 5(3): 497–509 Kim Seckler* New Mexico: Celebrating One Hundred Years of Statehood, a Recovering Economy, and a Balanced Budget Abstract: As New Mexico enters its centennial year, the state is home to over two million people, a diverse population, a divided government and a five and a half billion dollar general fund budget. This paper will examine the budget- ing process, participants and decisions that created New Mexico’s budget in its centennial year. In addition to covering the budget, this report will address issues that affect the budget including major legislative and political issues and the political landscape of state government as it approaches FY 2013. Keywords: New Mexico; legislature; governor; FY 2012-13; budget; West. *Corresponding author: Kim Seckler, Department of Government, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces, NM 88003, USA, e-mail: kseckler@nmsu.edu 1 Introduction In January 1912, President William Howard Taft penned the document proclaiming New Mexico’s statehood. At the time, President Taft remarked, “I am glad to give you life. I hope that you will be healthy.” One hundred years later, as New Mexico enters its centennial year, the state is home to over two million people, a diverse population, a divided government and a five and a half billion dollar general fund budget. With a nod to President Taft, the state is financially healthy. This paper will examine the budgeting process, participants and decisions that created New Mexi- co’s budget in its centennial year. In addition to covering the budget, this report will address issues that affect the budget including major legislative and political issues and the political landscape of state government as it approaches FY 2013. 2 New Mexico – Its Land, People and Income New Mexico, the country’s 5th largest state, is home to a small diverse population concentrated along the central Rio Grande corridor. While large in size, it is small

Honoring History and Heritage: Roots for New Heights

I am especially honored to present the Marian Chace Memorial Foundation Annual Lecture. Marian Chace was the first president of the ADTA, and I was fortunate to be trained by her and to work with her at Chestnut Lodge from 1957 to 1963. I was very lucky in my own lifetime to be privileged to know, to be taught by, and to work with a seminal thinker, an innovator, a creative genius, and a real person who impacted a burgeoning profession profoundly. Welcome to New Mexico—‘‘The Land Of Enchantment’’—celebrating 100 years of statehood. In 2012 our state capitol, Santa Fe, celebrated the 400th anniversary of its settlement, and Native American habitation of the region has been traced to 2000 BC. Many Pueblos continue to practice ancient healing rituals, such Judith Bunney, photo credit: Lisa Law Productions, Santa Fe, 2013

Heading home: The domestication of Israeli children's literature in the 1960s as reflected in Am Oved's Shafan ha-sofer series

This article explores the master narrative narrated to Israeli children in the second decade of statehood, on the basis of a popular series of children's books published by Am Oved (the commercial publishing arm of the hegemonic Labor Party, Mapai). In contrast to the Yishuv era, after ten years of statehood, the concept of “home” dominates hegemonic children's literature on several levels. On the thematic level, home and family became the focal point. On the commercial level, the home emerged as the locus for reading and evaluating the book, i.e., it was perceived as “the market” catered to by the publishers. On the poetic level, the home was recognized as an arena in which writing for children takes place. This new dominance of “home” suggests a dramatic transformation both in the ethos on which Israeli children were raised after the transition from Yishuv to statehood and in the way “the Israeli child” was perceived by key taste-setters of the time: the shift from the “pioneer child,” whose main social and nation-building tasks were set outdoors, to the sheltered and familial “child citizen.”

New Mexico: Celebrating One Hundred Years of Statehood, a Recovering Economy, and a Balanced Budget

New Mexico: Celebrating One Hundred Years of Statehood, a Recovering Economy, and a Balanced Budget

Kentucky rising: democracy, slavery, and culture from the early republic to the Civil War

t is sometimes said that Kentucky joined the South after the Civil War, and many books have been devoted to studying the influence of the war and its aftermath on the Commonwealth. But less is known about the decades before the Civil War. In Generations of Hope: Kentucky, 1800-1865, James Ramage and Andrea Watkins explore this crucial but often overlooked period, finding that that the early years of statehood comprised an era of great hope and progress. Ramage and Watkins demonstrate how Kentuckians looked outward, strongly supporting their country in the War of 1812 because they viewed the United States in a global context and wanted it to succeed on the world stage. Kentucky was perceived by the rest of the nation to be a leader among the states. Henry Clay, of course, was one of the great political figures of the era, but several other Kentuckians were candidates at the national level. Kentucky was a state of immigrants who brought their culture and world outlook with them, along with an optimism based on the idea that their region would participate fully in the advances of the day in science, culture, politics, education, and economics. Progress also included military advances, and the authors investigate the development of ideas about service and patriotism in a military context. The authors devote much attention to Kentuckians' complex views on slavery and its impact on the state. Indeed, the analysis of the Civil War is enhanced by understanding the context of the previous sixty years. Drawing upon a wealth of primary and secondary sources, Generations of Hope promises to be a fresh and definitive account of Kentucky's early years. This project is a co-publication with the Kentucky Historical Society.

Arizona, 100 years of Statehood, 150 years of Mining, As Captured by Early Photographers

Arizona, 100 years of Statehood, 150 years of Mining, As Captured by Early Photographers

Education and Empowerment: Lessons and History of the Christian Education Network in Israel and Palestine

Beginning in the 1850s, Christian missionary organizations established schools in Ottoman Palestine. A variety of networks developed over the years, principally those of the Anglicans and Catholics. Initially, these schools provided an education emphasizing European Christian values and subjects. Over time, however, a slow process of indigenization occurred. The first fruits of this process are illustrated by young leaders like Emil Tume and Tewfik Tubi who were prominent in the political opposition in Israel's first years of statehood. Another generation produced such notables as author Raja Shehadeh and Hanan Ashwari. In today's Israel and the Palestinian territories, the best schools, from a standpoint of matriculation, are Christian private schools that are open to all communities. Through this history, the article examines the development of a Christian school network and the political activism, involvement, and empowerment they engendered. It also provides a case study of the Rosary Sisters' school system.

Democracy in Session: A History of the Ohio General Assembly (review)

Reviewed by: Democracy in Session: A History of the Ohio General Assembly Thomas E. Carney Democracy in Session: A History of the Ohio General Assembly. By David M. Gold. (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2009. 622 pp. Cloth $34.95, ISBN 978-0-8214-1844-4.) In 2006, Robert Remini published The House, a one-volume history of the United States House of Representatives. David M. Gold’s more recent work is a continuation of this emerging interest in American political institutions. Both are institutional histories of legislative bodies: Remini looks at the U.S. House, while Gold’s work is a study of the Ohio legislature. But the two works, although similar in purpose, have very few other similarities. David Gold is a lawyer-historian who worked in the Ohio Legislative Services Commission and has an intimate knowledge of the Ohio legislature. He has taken this insider’s view and his training as a professional historian and crafted the first accessible history of the Ohio experience. In this institutional history, the author deals with the myriad issues that have been and continue to be connected with the legislature. At first glance, the work appears to be a chronological study, as Part One deals with pre-statehood, Part Two with the nineteenth century, Part Three with the twentieth century, and Part Four (the shortest part) with the twenty-first century. The actual text of the chapters, however, is thematically organized. The several chapters deal with qualifications and expulsion of members, legislative process, establishment and functioning of committees, compensation, and some of the colorful members of the legislature. Each chapter is dedicated to one theme, and that theme is studied over the breadth of the time period of that part of the book. For example, in chapter 4, “Delegates Fresh from the People,” Gold looks at the character of the Ohio legislators in general and a few specific characters during the nineteenth century. In this chapter, Gold touches on the challenges that an Ohio legislative history faces: first and foremost, the lack of a complete list of those who served during the early years of statehood. This lack of information limits the author’s ability to craft a precise image of the early Ohio [End Page 136] legislator. For this reason, he does not touch much on the early period; instead, the discussion seems to focus on the post-1840 figures. The strong institutional bent of the work is very clear in the third part of the book. In several chapters, Gold engages in a continuation of a discussion that he began in the second part of the book, as he dedicates considerable attention to the changing rules of the legislature, the requirements for readings of bills, and the work of committees. The focus is clearly not on people or events; rather, it is on process. Unfortunately, it is this focus on process that weakens the work. Without any meaningful discussion of events and people, there is no context against which to view the developments in process and to understand why things occur as they do. In defense of the author, he does not claim that the work centers on events and people. In the preface, he states, “The book examines the constitutional parameters within which the General Assembly functioned, the development of legislatives rules and procedures, and the physical setting in which the legislature operated.” He fulfills this goal; however, he also claims he “looks at the legislators: who they were, how they got elected, how they interacted with other members and with interested nonmembers both inside and outside the statehouse, and what standards of conduct they maintained” (xvi). This is the part of the book that would have put meat on the skeleton of the story, but Gold’s treatment of the legislators is perfunctory and abstract, and they often appear only to indicate who was responsible for a development or change. Despite this weakness, the work is an admirable foundation for the beginning of this historiography. It will surely be cited as this field develops. Thomas E. Carney University of Baltimore Copyright © 2011 The Kent State University Press

Israel and International Humanitarian Law: Between the Neo-Realism of State Security and the ‘‘Soft Power'’ of Legal Acceptability

The article argues that throughout her history Israel has evinced sensitivity to international law requirements. Over time, however, changes have occurred in the mindset within which that attitude is framed. Broadly speaking, during the early years of statehood, Israel's expressions of respect for international law articulated an essentially utilitarian attempt to gain legitimacy. More recent pronouncements, by contrast, reflect two other developments, which to some extent interact. One is the growing diffusion of the decision-making process in Israel with regard to national security affairs. The second is the growing influence within Israeli political and public life of several institutions, governmental and non-governmental, whose respect for international law is based on their perception of the intrinsic legitimacy of that corpus. The article illustrates the impact of those processes, inter alia through an examination of the influence exerted by the IDF's International Law Branch ( DABLA ), especially with reference to targeted killings.

American Confluence: The Missouri Frontier from Borderland to Border State , and: River of Dreams: Imagining the Mississippi before Mark Twain (review)

American Confluence: The Missouri Frontier from Borderland to Border State. By Stephen Aron. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006. Pp. 301. Illustrations, maps. Cloth, $29.95; Paper, $21.95.)River of Dreams: Imagining the Mississippi before Mark Twain. By Thomas Ruys Smith. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2007. Pp. 232. Cloth, $38.00.)Reviewed by Ann OstendorfJust as the American public turned attention to the Mississippi River at the bicentennial of the Lewis and Clark expedition, so too have scholars begun revisiting the significance of the river region to the nation. Although both Stephen Aron's American Confluence and Thomas Ruys Smith's River of Dreams present studies of this river, their questions, methods, and approaches present very different but very useful stories of this place.In American Confluence, Stephen Aron tells the tale of what he calls the or the area surrounding the eastern Missouri, western Ohio, and middle Mississippi rivers, from its earliest Native history to Missouri's first years of statehood. This is story whose parts have been told multiple times in many ways before; however, Aron attempts to unify the disparate interpretations by re-imagining them within new framework. Using primarily secondary sources and drawing on approaches from global history, Aron describes place where interculturai interaction, accommodation, and cooperation dominated. The word refers not only to the joining of rivers but also to the meeting of people. By leaving the boundaries of the confluence region purposefully vague, the author successfully expresses history of the place more as contemporaries experienced it; moveable, fluid, and changing. The region remained place of transition for both Natives and colonials, where new trading partners passed through, new arrivals found home, and new colonial administrators divided and redivided their territorial claims. That is, until the arrival of the Americans.Thus, the story reverts to the more familiar political history of aggressive frontier expansion at the expense of the accommodationist precedents, which had been carefully and consciously maintained by the French, Spanish, British, Osage, Shawnee, and Delaware. Although the rivers continued to merge, the confluence of people ended. With American hegemony, the borderland disappeared. Without the ability to play one colonial power off another, Native lost power in the confluence region, especially with the flood of Kentucky and Tennessee settlers after the War of 1812. During this deluge, squatters swept away generations of inclusive intercultural relations (158-59), system Aron implies existed as mutually beneficial to natives and colonists alike. Despite the familiar ending, Aran's retelling of the regional events avoids assuming the inevitability of Missouri statehood and American domination, with more emphasis on how the American actions were radical disruptions with jarring effects on the Native and colonial population already in the confluence region.Although it does not deliver any new research, it is Aron's approach that is most useful for scholars of the region. In some ways this work is an application of Richard White's middle ground theory applied to the region further south. Aron re-envisions the Mississippi Valley historically as place of exchange and adaptation, describing the confluence region as moving, like other borderlands, from contested boundaries between colonial domains to frontier - which he defines as a meeting place of peoples - and eventually to place of oppositional border states (xiii, xvi). During this first change, the Osage dominated; however, their position deteriorated once the region ceased being meeting place between people and became meeting point of north, south, east, and west with the birth of the border state of Missouri. By the 1820s, Missouri's border state status, as opposed to its borderland position, had thoroughly reshaped the interactions of the population. …

Racial Enclaves and Density Zoning: The Institutionalized Segregation of Racial Minorities in the United States

This paper attempts to explain two basic facts of segregation in the United States in recent decades. The segregation of blacks remains everywhere higher than the segregation of Latinos and Asians, but the levels are converging. Previous research stresses things like urban form and racial preferences. This paper finds that none of these are as important as a more institutional force: local land regulation. Zoning increases inter-jurisdictional inequality and economic segregation in metropolitan areas (MSAs), and it curtails the exit of minority groups from segregated communities by limiting the supply of affordable housing in integrated areas. Using two data sets of land regulations for the largest U.S. metropolitan areas, the results indicate that anti-density regulations are responsible for large portions of the levels and changes in segregation from 1990 to 2000. A hypothetical switch in zoning regimes from the most exclusionary to the most liberal would reduce the equilibrium gap between the most and least segregated MSAs by at least 35% for the OLS estimates. The level effects are robust to a variety of variables, but for Latinos and Asians, the effect can be explained by historical characteristics that are correlated and, in theory, should cause stricter zoning laws. The dynamic results are even more robust across racial groups. The use of an exogenous source of zoning — year of statehood — as an instrument makes the dynamic effect very large and provides some evidence of potential causality. In addition to zoning, Tiebout-style sorting incentives, and relative income differences are strong predictors of segregation, with the latter explaining roughly half the variation.

Between Yad Vashem and Mt. Herzl: Changing Inscriptions of Sacrifice on Jerusalem's "Mountain of Memory"

Focusing on recent changes at a central Israeli site marking the Holocaust and the fallen, I demonstrate that memorial sites are palimpsests, with careers that reflect changing understandings of death and national sacrifice. In the early years of statehood, the site and the rituals performed there depicted Holocaust victims as morally inferior to Israeli independence fighters; recent monuments, paths and rituals, constructed during or after the second Intifada, grant Israeli soldiers legitimacy insofar as they are linked with innocent victims of the Shoah. Suggesting a comparison with post-9/11 Washington, DC, I show that commemorative paths carry two-way traffic between past and present. While memorial sites and rites may displace immanent fear of death to a heroic past, the distant past may also be recharged with the anxieties of the lived present, thus imbuing current others with the cosmological evil attached to the past enemy.

Forming a Collective Identity: The Debate over the Proposed Constitution, 1948–1950

Previous studies have placed great emphasis on the power-political arguments that led to the failure to adopt a constitution in Israel. This article argues that the picture was more complex and that the question of collective identity was one of the main factors behind the debates on the proposal for a constitution during Israel's early years of statehood. One of the arguments raised by the opponents of a constitution was that the identity-forming aspect of the constitution was liable to ignite a cultural controversy and even a Kulturkampf. Although researchers have often seen this argument as a camouflage for other reasons, an examination of speeches and writings of those participating in the debate on the constitution reveals one of the basic weaknesses of early Israeli republicanism: the profound disagreement over the contours of a common Israeli identity and the way to shape it.

Of Village and City: Ideology in Israeli Public Planning

This paper examines Israeli planning historically through the ideological prism of Zionism. Urban planning in Israel, studied over the years of statehood, is shown to reflect the ideological changes that have occurred in Israeli society since 1948, the year of the establishment of the state of Israel. The opening section examines the connections between urban planning and ideology, in general. This is followed by the explication of the symbolic importance attached to land ownership and settlement in Zionist theory. The main body of the paper follows this theoretical introduction by way of a review of national urban planning policies and practices in Israel. It demonstrates the influence of Zionist values and their integration with the body of Western planning precedents that inspired the planners. Illustrating this research thesis on ideology and planning practice are examples taken from the desert city of Be'er Sheva.

Interview With Abba Eban, II March 1976

ABBA EBAN WAS OFTEN REFERRED to as the voice of Israel. He was one of Israel's most brilliant, eloquent, and skillful representatives abroad in the struggle for independence and in the first 25 years of statehood. He was less effective in the rough and tumble of Israeli domestic politics because he lacked the common touch and, more importantly, because he lacked a power base of his own. Nevertheless, he played a major role in the formulation and conduct of Israel's foreign policy during a crucial period in the country's history.

Building an Alliance and Building a Bomb

Decade of Transition by Abraham Ben-Zvi and Israel and the Bomb by Avner Cohen are among the most recent additions to a growing literature that analyzes the Arab-Israeli conflict, the foreign relations of Israel, and U.S. policy in the Middle East based on the extensive use of declassified documents. Steven Spiegel’s pioneering work The Other Arab-Israeli Conflict1 incorporated a great number of U.S. foreign policy documents in a tour de force of U.S. policy toward the region, and David Schoenbaum’s The United States and the State of Israel2 also relied heavily on U.S. government documents released in accordance with the thirty-year rule, mandating declassification. It is only recently that analyses of the first few decades of Israel’s foreign policy have been possible. The Israeli State Archives and the archives of the country’s political parties have finally adopted the thirty-year law. Newly released documents have facilitated such groundbreaking works as Uri Bialer’s detailed 1990 study of Israel’s orientation in foreign policy during the first years of statehood.3

The People's Liberation Army and the People's Republic at 50: Reform at Last

The People's Republic of China (PRC) may not have had the opportunity to celebrate 50 years of statehood had it not been for the People's Liberation Army (PLA) – nor, for that matter, is it likely that the PRC would have come into existence in the first place were it not for the PLA (as is evident in Mao's often-cited observation that, “Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun!”). As the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) rode the military to power in 1949, the army also subsequently acted on several occasions to rescue the regime, maintain the Party in power and ergo sustain the People's Republic. The PLA has also been the designated protector of “state sovereignty” and “unifier” of China – acting to incorporate Tibet, Inner Mongolia, Manchuria and border regions in the south-west and north-west during the early 1950s, and fighting several border wars against China's neighbours thereafter – and it is the PLA that is ultimately charged with ensuring both that Taiwan does not seek “independence” and that China's territorial claims in the East and South China Seas are protected.

Aliyah to Israel: Immigration Under Conditions of Adversity

A snapshot at figures of immigration (Aliyah) to the Land of Israel (Palestine) and to the State of Israel reveals the following: between 1882-1947, in successive waves of immigration, some 543,000 Jews immigrated to Palestine, joining the 24,000 who lived there. During the first three years of statehood (1948-1950) the average annual growth rate of the Jewish population was about 24 percent, and between 1948-1952, mass immigration of 711,000 supplemented a population of 630,000. Recently, Israel witnessed a massive influx of Soviet immigrants. During 1990-1998 the Israeli population of 4.56 million was enriched by 879,486 immigrants, a growth rate of 19.3 percent. In 1991, 15,000 Jews were airlifted in one single day in Operation Solomon. What were the factors that drove this unprecedented migration of Jews from around the globe to Israel? Many of the major international migration movements were largely economic in nature (the push of poverty or the pull of expected enhanced standards of living) or have been in response to persecution. While all these factors have played some role in immigration to Israel, the Israeli case is unusual in that its origins are essentially ideological. Israel has always encouraged and assisted the immigration and absorption process as part of a pro-immigration ideology and policy. Its raison d’etre was and remains the ingathering and retention of Jewish immigrants and the forging of these diverse elements into a unified nation. Israel is a country established for and administered by immigrants from diverse countries and origins. In most cases of rapid population growth, per capita income declines. This is due to adjustment problems, low productivity of immigrants and infrastructure bottle-necks. Israel was an exception. Immigration was accompanied by accelerated growth rates even though large public funds were devoted to housing, employment and social services to facilitate the direct absorption of mass immigration. As a result, per capita income which was $3,500 in 1950 surged to $17,000 in 1996 - an annual growth rate of 3.5 percent. This paper describes the major waves of immigration to Israel, starting from 1882 up to the present. For each immigration wave, its size, composition, origin and characteristics are documented. It then focuses on the process of immigrants’ assimilation in the local labor market and addresses three main questions: (i) How well do immigrants adapt to the Israeli economy? (ii) What are the effects of immigration on employment opportunities and are they paying their way in the welfare state? (iii) Are population and production growth interrelated? The facts and figures lead to an overall evaluation of the immigration process and to the lessons to be learned from past experience to improve the absorption process. In particular, return migration, which reflects failure to absorb, is discussed, and the very different absorption policies of the 1950s and the 1990s are contrasted and compared. Suggestions for changes in immigration policies are discussed. An evaluation of the contribution of immigration to economic growth and of the importance of Hebrew language acquisition is also presented. The last section of this paper provides a summary and conclusions.