Wrong Color Research Articles

Ordinary associations or ‘special cases’; defining mechanisms in synesthesia

A synesthete might inform you that McDonald’s is ‘all wrong’, as obviously their large letter M has the completely wrong color. While synesthesia is now well accepted as a ‘real’ phenomenon, what underlies the highly specific and consistent additional sensations is a topic of debate. What sets synesthetic mechanisms apart from those involved in ‘normal’ associations? In this presentation, we first discuss the possible neurobiological underpinnings. A review study has shown six brain regions related to synesthesia. Furthermore, results from structural as well as functional connectivity studies show hyperconnectivity in the synaesthete’s brain. Second, the behavioral characteristics that set synesthetes apart from non-synesthetes are discussed. One problem in obtaining a clear model of synesthesia is that currently, most studies are performed on particular types of synesthesia (in particular colored letters/numbers). We present rare cases of synesthesia (taste/smell with sounds) and examine how well their characteristics fit with the traditionally presented model of synesthesia.

Impact of Colors on the Psychology of Marketing — A Comprehensive over View

Colors have always played a significant role in impacting one's moods, emotions, feelings, sensations and perception and seem to offer possibilities for multifaceted interpretation rather than leaving room for only one way of looking at it. Different signs merge in a person's experience of a product as colors do not function separately and individually, but from multi-layered references and can influence consumers' purchase decision, how they see things, their emotions, choices and thus are integral to the realm of advertising and marketing. Furthermore the perception and application of color is strongly influenced by ones innate physiological and psychological predisposition, personal experiences, age, gender, personality, income, ethnographic and demographic factors that makes its application effective within the domain of marketing all the more cumbersome and challenging. However, as a marketing tool, color can be a sublimely persuasive force; and as a functional component of human vision, color can capture attention, relax or irritate the eyes, and affect the legibility of the text and - All things put together, the right colors empower and contribute to the success of an advertising campaign, a product, a service, or even an interior space and in contrast wrong colors can be a costly mistake. The present paper attempts to highlight and discuss the following research questions: 1. What is the significance and importance of colors in daily life (with special reference to marketing)? 2. How colors act as a medium in influencing the psychology of customers, contributing towards their branding, advertising, marketing and sale, based on a comprehensive review of literature and some noted case studies?

THE SOMATECHNICS OF INTERSEXUALITY

We live in a world in which “the body” is conceived as a malleable substance in a state of potential transition and, moreover, the vast majority of bodies are experienced as “wrong”: they have too few (or too many) limbs or digits; they (or parts of them) are the wrong size, the wrong age, the wrong color; they are “sexually ambiguous”; they bear the wrong ethnic markers; they inhibit particular identities and/or aspirations; they simply do not seem “right.” Surgery, then, becomes a way to put things right, to restore order. While the writing to date on modificatory surgeries is immensely varied, the vast majority is subtended by a conception of medical practices and procedures as technologies separate from the bodies they seek to modify. In this model, the body is a fleshly substrate that simply is prior to its enhancement or mutilation by the technologies that transform its original state. This article deploys the term somatechnics to think through the varied and complex ways in which bodily-being is always already shaped by technés—from, for example, the surgeon's knife to the discourses that justify and contest the use of such instruments. I argue, then, that the conceptions of, debates around, and questions about specific modificatory practices are themselves technologies that shape corporeality at the most profound level. In doing so I aim to make a critical intervention into, and open up new spaces for reflection in, existing debates about the somatechnics of intersexuality.

Mars is the wrong colour

Mars is the wrong colour

Correction

HomeCirculationVol. 117, No. 13Correction Free AccessCorrectionPDF/EPUBAboutView PDFView EPUBSections ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload citationsTrack citationsPermissions ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InMendeleyReddit Jump toFree AccessCorrectionPDF/EPUBCorrection Originally published1 Apr 2008https://doi.org/10.1161/CIRCULATIONAHA.107.189136Circulation. 2008;117:e303This article corrects the followingSignal Transducer and Activator of Transcription-1 Is Critical for Apoptosis in Macrophages Subjected to Endoplasmic Reticulum Stress In Vitro and in Advanced Atherosclerotic Lesions In VivoIn the version of the article, “Signal Transducer and Activator of Transcription-1 Is Critical for Apoptosis in Macrophages Subjected to Endoplasmic Reticulum Stress In Vitro and in Advanced Atherosclerotic Lesions In Vivo,” by Lim et al that was posted online on January 28, 2008 (DOI: 10.1161/CIRCULATIONAHA.107.711275), several errors occurred.In the Figure 6 legend, starting 12 lines from the top, the wrong color arrows are indicated. The text should read “ … endothelial cells (green arrows) and smooth muscle cells (SMC) in the media (blue arrows).”On the same page, left column, ninth line from the top, the callout for Figure 7C should read, “Figure 7C, top middle, asterisk” rather than “Figure 7C, bottom left, asterisk.”In the Figure 7 legend, 9 lines from the top, the sentence should begin, “The lower middle image shows … ” rather than “These lower middle images show ….”In the Figure 8 legend, the wording for panel C was incomplete. It should read, “C, TUNEL (red), DAPI (blue), macrophage (brown), and SMC (brown) staining of lesions similar to those in B.”Also in the Figure 8 legend, the following sentence, currently located toward the end of the legend, should have appeared with the description of panel B: “Total lesion area was 493.7±40.5 and 380.6±24.4 μm2 in Stat1+/+→Ldlr−/− and Stat1−/−→Ldlr−/− mice, respectively.”These errors have been corrected in the current online version and in the final print version of the article in the February 19, 2008, issue of the journal (Circulation. 2008;117:940–951). The authors regret these errors. Previous Back to top Next FiguresReferencesRelatedDetailsRelated articlesSignal Transducer and Activator of Transcription-1 Is Critical for Apoptosis in Macrophages Subjected to Endoplasmic Reticulum Stress In Vitro and in Advanced Atherosclerotic Lesions In VivoWah-Seng Lim, et al. Circulation. 2008;117:940-951 April 1, 2008Vol 117, Issue 13 Advertisement Article InformationMetrics https://doi.org/10.1161/CIRCULATIONAHA.107.189136 Originally publishedApril 1, 2008 PDF download Advertisement

Dear History, and: The Pastoral Yielding to History, and: Mother and Child, and: Primer, and: Miss Sally on the "Grandmother Fires"

Dear History, and: The Pastoral Yielding to History, and: Mother and Child, and: Primer, and: Miss Sally on the "Grandmother Fires" Shara McCallum (bio) Dear History Days before Granny and Papa left,I prayed in the dark of my room, felt my lips move but knew my words were just words,could no longer spiral up to something beyond. That week, Papa had taken me to the pool, watched mejump into the deep-end not knowing how to swim. When he fished me out, I thought it might have beenbetter to stay in that chlorinated world, its air stinging my lungs and skin, than return to this one.We will come back for you. I promise, he'd said. Down the hall, the murmuring started then stopped againwhile music poured out of the console. Jah would never give the power to a baldheadrun come crucify the dread, Bob sang. But he was wrong. [End Page 143] Dear History Politicians said it was the tourists:if they came or didn't come. Mummy & Daddy said it was slavery, foreign ownershipof industry: Look how we still feeling those licks. Granny said it was the youth, killing each other,running wild in the streets. Back then, she locked up our house tight-tight, more afraid of whopassing by the window than of duppy at night. One day, I heard Papa say to no one in particular:Even in Lime Quay where fisherman bring in snapper to fry and serve with bammy on the side—you notice how few people stop anymore? Dear History Believe me when I tell youI did not know her name but remember the color of her dress:red, like my own school uniform. I did not know death could come to a girlwalking home, stick in hand, [End Page 144] tracing circles in the dirt,singing as she went along. I did not know deathwould find someone for wearing the wrong color smockin the wrong part of town. My parents spoke in hushed tones,but I heard the story of her body dragged from street to gully,left sullied in semen and blood. I heard the song she sang,the one I wish I could sing now. Truth is, I was that girl.Truth is, I was never there. The Pastoral Yielding to History Sometimes the eye sees what the mind mistrusts.Sometimes there is a green too green for belief. But look on the horizon: a manleads a donkey across a narrow bridge. Flanking either side of the animal, crocus bagsbrim with bananas yet to ripen. [End Page 145] The donkey hauls freshly cut sugar cane,stacked on its back. A cutlass dangles from the man's fingertips.The sun is a disk burning a hole into the sky. Mother and Child Forgive the artist this scene.She was taught to paint what she can see.Forgive the sun that shone that day,light glistening off the mother's nutmeg skin,finding beauty in the most improbable places.Forgive the dead child in her armsfor running into the path of a bulletas if running after the tail of a kite.Forgive the brushes. Forgive the paint.Forgive the wide o of the mother's mouth,the wail that will always remainlodged in her throat.Forgive the silence of the canvaslike the silence of Godwaiting to be filled with sound. [End Page 146] Primer My grandmother had come backto collect us at dawn. The year the nation erupted into violence When my sisters and I left, the day beganlike any other: Bob Marley's cancer dismantled his body the sun rose over the mountains; cocks crowedon the hour; goats and chickens waited to be fed. My father's mind began its final unraveling Packing what was necessary, my grandmother's handswere the blur of a hummingbird's wings; The year the nation erupted into violence my mother, father, and the other sistren and breathrenjourneyed toward Bob's funeral, A country, a body, a mind, a people mourning the man turned prophet,grieving the dream now lost. [End...

Inventions on Color Selections in Graphical User Interfaces

Color is an important aspect of any graphical user interface (GUI). Color is used to make a GUI attractive and meaningful. But there are difficulties in using colors too. Improper use of color can result in adverse effects. Wrong colors at wrong place can make the GUI look clumsy and confusing. Apart from the aesthetics issues there are many other issues involved with colors too. One of the contradictions relating to usage of color is "The color of the GUI should be customizable to suit user preference. But at the same time it should not be customizable, as that would cause annoyance and confusion to other users." Another contraction relating to using color is "The user should be displayed all 16 million colors to select the desired color precisely, But from another angle the user should not be displayed all 16 million colors as that would create confusion and difficulty in selection." This article analyses some inventions selected from US Patent database and illustrates how the inventors have been able to solve various contradictions relating to usage of colors in Graphical User Interface.

Seeing It Differently Poses an Interesting Challenge for Some Biomeds

When Lee Gren was studying to become a biomed and told people he was color blind, their immediate reaction was, “You won't be able to do this.”Gren is red-green color blind, which means that he sees red and green differently than most people. When he worked as a technician, he typically reset color controls to mid-range, along with contrast and brightness, and asked the person who was having the problem with a piece of equipment what they thought needed to be adjusted. “I found that it was better to get the people who will make the final determination to OK it,” says Gren, who now works as manager of biomedical engineering at West Virginia University Hospitals.On a color spectrum chart in his office, Gren can see some shades of both red and green. But with each, “there's a band in there where it doesn't look like there's any difference.” Although they both look “mud-colored” to him, his clues in distinguishing between them are “light and dark,” he says. If he's holding a red and a green wire, one may be lighter. He will ask someone which wire is which color, and then make a mental note that the lighter of the two is green, for example.Some believe that working as a color blind biomed would pose too many challenges. For example, Brian Weidman feels that color perception plays a big role in the biomed's job because color is so frequently used in the descriptions of what's wrong with a piece of equipment. “Having the wrong color could lead to serious possibilities of patient harm or misdiagnosis,” says Weidman, engineering technician at Martha Jefferson Hospital in Charlottesville, VA. Although his hospital has a requirement in the BMET job description regarding color rendition, the issue has never surfaced with an applicant.Others, however, see the issue differently. There's a belief that all people with color blindness are totally blind to color, but that's not true, notes Greg Goll, biomedical supervisor at Erlanger Health System in Chattanooga, TN. “They still know the grass is green.” At Erlanger, the job-based criteria description states that technicians may need to use color vision 0–33% of the time, or occasionally. “It's just one item on a list that includes walking, sitting, standing, etc.,” he notes.Goll worked with three color blind biomeds during his 16 years as a technician, and found that “they are some of the most careful technicians I worked with.” Rarely, one might ask him to verify a color, but he worked alongside one color blind biomed for years before he knew that the person was color blind.Gren acknowledges that there are times when color blindness can be a handicap. For example, CAT 5 cabling for internet connections involves thin, color-coded wires. “I could see where that would be a real difficulty.” He adds that everyone has strengths and challenges. “Color, in my experience, is subjective,” says Gren. “Even people with normal color vision see things differently,” he says, adding that he's worked with people with normal color rendition who would set the color on a monitor, only to have others complain about it.“I would have no problem hiring someone who is color blind,” Goll says. “The bigger issue would be a sloppy technician that required a project to be redone due to carelessness.”

I Left My Life Back South

I left my life back south. Everyone, friends and family, was excited for me. No one could believe I was actually going to graduate school-the first in my family. I felt like I was floating on a cloud. My father always wanted me to go to college; my mother just wanted me to marry well. My colleagues patted me on the back. We knew you would amount to something. My husband just stared off into empty space. Are you sure this is what you want? All my life, my skin meant nothing to me. It is just a part of who I am, nothing more, nothing less. I know I am stubborn. I do not give up easily. I know I love to read, I love to write, and nothing is more important to me than learning. All I ever wanted to do was learn. My graduate school experience in the Midwest was just that, a learning experience. I learned I was the wrong color. I learned silence is best in a predominately white institution. I learned that in the Midwest, my voice was the voice of my color, especially when I was the only person of color in the classroom. I learned how much I could take and also how much I could not take. I learned I should not have left the south. I learned I should have listened to my now ex-husband. I learned how to be silent. I learned I was caught between two worlds: my people and my ambitions. All I ever wanted to do was learn. Leaving my hometown, I expected to gather all the information and knowledge I could muster and take it back home. Home. Home, where the people are the same as me. Home, where people accept me for who I am, or now, who I was. In reality, once a person of leaves his/her hometown, they cannot go back. Your family looks at you differently, and they treat you differently. I cannot even change the oil in my truck without being told to go sit down and do

Visual search is modulated by action intentions.

The influence of action intentions on visual selection processes was investigated in a visual search paradigm. A predefined target object with a certain orientation and color was presented among distractors, and subjects had to either look and point at the target or look at and grasp the target. Target selection processes prior to the first saccadic eye movement were modulated by the different action intentions. Specifically, fewer saccades to objects with the wrong orientation were made in the grasping condition than in the pointing condition, whereas the number of saccades to an object with the wrong color was the same in the two conditions. Saccadic latencies were similar under the different task conditions, so the results cannot be explained by a speed-accuracy trade-off. The results suggest that a specific action intention, such as grasping, can enhance visual processing of action-relevant features, such as orientation. Together the findings support the view that visual attention can be best understood as a selection-for-action mechanism.

Grasping the point

When you look for your copy of TICS among the mail in your mailbox, your visual-attentional mechanisms marshal saccadic eye movements to search for specific attributes: a glossy cover, a colored spine, etc. In other words, when you know what you're searching for beforehand, visual selective attention uses information about the searched-for object to guide eye movements to appropriate items in the visual scene. But just as relevant object features vary from situation to situation, so do our reasons for searching in the first place. Sometimes we look for an object because we merely want to locate it; other times we might be looking for that object with different intentions in mind – picking it up for instance. When we search for an object with the aim of making a move towards it, how much pull do our intentions about the action have in the economies of visual attentional processing?Bekkering and Neggers asked this question in a recent experiment designed to see whether action intentions modulate the processes of visual attention [1xSee all References][1]. They exploited a difference in the processing constraints of two sorts of goal-directed movements: pointing and grasping. Both types of movement are preceded by saccadic eye movements, but they each engage visuomotor processing in different ways. For example, the orientation of an object doesn't matter much for the way you point at it, but is crucial for the way you will grasp it to pick it up. Color, on the other hand, is not so important in the visual guidance of either pointing or grasping movements. If action intention does modulate visual attention, object orientation should bias visual attention in grasping movements but not in pointing movements, whereas an object's color should not produce a bias in either case.Bekkering and Neggers tracked subjects’ eye, head and hand movements as they located, and either grasped or pointed to, a target in an array of distractors on a specially designed illuminated board. The target object was a three-dimensional rectangle specified by two relevant features, color (either green or orange) and orientation (45 deg left or 45 deg right). The distractor rectangles surrounding the target could also be either green or orange and angled either to the left or right, but only the target object embodied the relevant conjunction of color and orientation. The experimenters found that when subjects made erroneous saccades, it was either to a rectangle of the wrong color, or to one of the wrong orientation. Moreover, the errors did indeed reflect an object orientation bias related to an intention to grasp, but not to an intention to point. Thus, in the grasping condition, subjects made significantly fewer saccade errors with respect to orientation than in the pointing condition. By contrast, there were no significant difference in color errors between the pointing and grasping conditions. These results, then, point to an easily-grasped conclusion: that action intention works together with task-relevant object features to modulate visual attention.

An Ambulance of the Wrong Colour: Health Professionals, Human Rights and Ethics in South Africa

An Ambulance of the Wrong Colour: Health Professionals, Human Rights and Ethics in South Africa

An ambulance of the wrong colour — questionable principles

An ambulance of the wrong colour — questionable principles

Reporting from Jerusalem

This place is like a Rubik's cube, said Lyse Doucet, BBC correspondent in Jerusalem. You keep turning it, and yet it seems there is always a wrong color showing somewhere. So history never ends, at least not to the people whose task it is to report on Israel, Palestine, and the Middle East, very frequently from a Jerusalem base. I was in Jerusalem in early 1997, meeting with resident news media foreign correspondents, as one part of an ongoing wider study of the occupational experiences and practices of the group.' The work of foreign correspondents, one might argue, parallels that of anthropologists, in that both report from one place to another, often across as well as spatial distances-in that sense, this study involves the kind of transnational occupational ethnography in which the anthropologist is studying neither up nor down but sideways.2 At least at times, foreign correspondents, like anthropologists, presumably have to deal in one way or other with questions of cultural translation or representing otherness. Yet their relationships to time and space in the reporting situation, their collegial relationships, and their organizational embedding are different from those of anthropological fieldworkers-and their reporting usually reaches much wider audiences. Indeed, many of the images and understandings we all have of people and places elsewhere in the world result from the efforts of foreign correspondents. Consequently an inquiry into their work is also an attempt to cast some light on contemporary global interconnectedness and the possibility of well-informed cosmopolitan citizenship.3 The timing of my stay in Jerusalem was probably fortunate. Certainly nobody thought that the puzzle of the Rubik's cube had been solved, but for a period, there was a certain relative calm. I arrived in January 1997, just after the Hebron agreement between Israelis and Palestinians resulting in a partial Israeli withdrawal from that West Bank town. About a month after my departure, the Israeli government allowed work to begin on a new Jewish neighborhood in East Jerusalem, and a period quickly followed that included renewed violent protest on the West Bank, a suicide bombing in Tel Aviv, a border zone shooting of Israeli schoolchildren by a Jordanian soldier, and extensive international political activity. From then on, 1997 continued crisis ridden and often violent. The period when I was in Jerusalem was hardly without news either, with one domestic

Hipparcos Stars in The GCVS

Prof. M. Grenon asked the team of the General Catalogue of Variable Stars to attribute GCVS names to new Hipparcos variables in order to present, in the Hipparcos Catalogue, the information on these stars already with final designations. We received lists of 5665 variables. Of them, 3157 qualified to the standard GCVS criteria and will appear in the 74th Namelist of variable stars.The main problems in compiling the Namelist were the following:1.Cases of spurious variability for double and multiple stars and for misidentified stars (wrong colour indices used in reductions). Some wrong identifications come from the SIMBAD data base.2.Lacking identifications with catalogues of spectroscopic binaries. Some stars attributed to slowly pulsating B variables are in fact ellipsoidal variables. HIP 98954 = V1472 Aql was classified as a semiregular star, but it is a rather unusual, probably eclipsing, star (Samus, 1997), a known spectroscopic-binary M giant with a 200d period (Lucke and Mayor, 1982).

Diagnostic Colours Influence Speeded Scene Recognition

A critical aspect of early visual processes is to extract shape data for matching against memory representations for recognition. Many theories of recognition assume that this is achieved by luminance information. However, psychophysical studies have revealed that colour is being used by low-level visual modules such as motion, stereopsis, texture, and 2-D shapes. Should colour really be discarded from theories of recognition? Here we present two studies which seek to throw light on the role of chromatic information for the recognition of real scene pictures. We used three versions of scene pictures (gray levels, normally coloured and abnormally coloured) coming from two broad categories. In the first category, colour was diagnostic of the category (eg beach, forest, and valley). In the second category colour was not diagnostic (eg city, road, and room). In the second category colour was not diagnostic (eg city, road, and room). Results revealed that chromatic information is being registered and facilitates recognition even after a 30 ms exposure to the scene stimuli. However, influences of colour on speeded categorisations were only observed with the colour-diagnostic categories. No influence of colour was observed with the other categories. A similar pattern of results was observed with 120 ms exposure. However, there was an interference of the wrong colour on recognition in colour-diagnostic categories. In sum, colour, when it is diagnostic of the category, influences speeded scene recognition.

Change of Circumstance

CHANGE OF CIRCUMSTANCE / Candida Lawrence On March 1, 1986, I flew to New York City to attend a one-day conference/speak-out for "fit" mothers who had lost custody in the courts. I wondered if I would be the only woman there. I had read Phyllis Chester's Mothers on Trial and was thus informed that other women had lost custody of their children in all manner of ways, but I still believed myself uniquely punished. In twenty years I had not met another woman whose "case" resembled mine. All the divorced women I knew had custody of their children, and never was that custody seriously challenged. I entered an immense room crowded with women. No one seemed eager to state her reasons for attending such a gathering. We looked at the books on display, checked our coats, were anxious to find a cup of coffee and a safe seat, not too close to the speakers' tables, but close enough to hear every word spoken. I felt very much alone and was sure all the women were arms of the court or social workers or reporters. They all looked somewhat uneasy but otherwise normal, and I figured they'd travelled many miles, as I had, and were tired. And then the stories were told—from the platform, to each other at our tables, at the afternoon small panel discussions. The stories were complex, a complexity of law and courts, jurisdiction, judges' rulings, a snarl of loss. These women had lost custody because they moved to another state, because they had a lover, because they remarried or did not remarry, because they accused the father of battering, of abuse, of molesting a child and proved it with hospital records in court, because they were of the wrong color or economic rank, because they were on welfare, because the father had more money or prestige, because they were lesbian. They were forced by the judges to share custody with criminals, brutes, addicts, molesters, and fathers who skipped with the children to South America or Australia. I heard my own story from someone else's mouth again and again. I heard women say sadly, "Oh, I should have taken my children long ago and disappeared." They always said "my children," never "our children." I asked one woman if she felt uncomfortable about that assumption. She said: "But I went through the pregnancy. I nursed them. I watched for fever. I taught them their first words. They are part of me, like limbs. I cannot replace them." A black woman said: "Nature gives a mother the right to be near her children always. No court should mess with that right unless 84 · The Missouri Review the mother's real bad. I mean drunk, crazy, drugged, sick. A father's got a right too, but not to take away a child and break the mother." I have written this book for the women at the conference and for all those who couldn't make the journey. On the Road AT 6:30 A.M., WE BACK OUT of the hideaway driveway and are on our way. While I concentrate on finding a sign which promises Highway 99 some time in the future, the children push buttons on the radio: ... It is Friday, August 13th, and a bad day for the Southland . . . rioting started Wednesday night after a routine drunken-driving arrest near the predominantly Negro Watts section of Los Angeles . . . the city of the angels. It was resumed Thursday night when some seven thousand Negroes took to the streets . . . It doesn't seem to matter which button they punch, all stations are giving out news of Watts. I think of my Headstart four-yearolds and try to imagine seven thousand of them grown huge and hating, angry and hot, throwing rocks, starting fires, with the courage of cohesive action they have learned in childhood. "Turn if off for a while," I beg. "It's broken. When Shawna plays it, she gets nice music. Can you fix it, Mommy?" Tony asks. "Mommy, are we going to Watts to help the Negroes?" Olivia looks worried. "We are heading in that direction, but we won't go...

Further Notes from a Voluntary Exile

In my growing up days, evolution was a forbidden word and creation was seen as an instantaneous affair. Salvation worked the same way. At some fortuitous moment you got saved and that took care of matters forever. It took years for me to alter that mindset and realize that what was really essential was process, not productjourney, not destination. All of nature speaks to this becoming, this slow evolution that takes one from beginnings toward some largely unknown destination. My beginnings were in Mississippi. The first people and places and values that I met and cherished were the people, places, and values of Mississippi, and first impressions seem, somehow, to be the most lasting ones. Perhaps that's because childhood is the one time when life is most thoroughly experienced and absorbed. Children give themselves over completely to the business of living. Everything is new and different. Impressions soak into the very soul and leave indelible stains. Later, when one is busy with doing, living for the sheer wonder of watching and listening and feeling is lost. One is still impressed, but not indelibly. Also, each image is fleeting, rather than sustained, since life moves along at a faster pace. As a child I stayed in the same setting, watched the same people, the same scenes time after time. Other writers may not be so firmly tied to one region because their watching, listening, feeling years were spent in a variety of settings, while mine were spent solely in Mississippi. As a girlchild, I knew all about the Southern Belle image I was supposed to have. Yet I never quite managed to pull it off. First there was the problem of hair. Mine was the wrong color and had no curls. Like Jana, the protagonist in a short story I wrote several years ago, I was a tomboy whose hair was more often adorned by wisps of hay or pine needles than by velvet ribbons. The heart of that story is a flashback triggered by news of the death of Jana's Uncle Will, the one person in her life who has encouraged her to be herself, rather than the prim and proper Southern Belle the world expects her to be. The story ends when Jana, now a college student far from home, sits before her mirror, snipping away the hated curls, one by one. She has changed. She has come to question the old ideas and assumptions. And once that questioning has begun, Jana can never be the same again. So it is with all of us. The South I grew up in was strict and explicit in its mores-spiritual, social, and sexual. Certain ideas, actions, and attitudes were appropriate, while others were not. And what was appropriate was seldom negotiable. Every little girl growing up in Mississippi knew that she was expected to be a little lady at all times. And all of us knew what little ladies could and could not do. The logic of this carefully guarded ladyhood is apparent. Theoretically, a little girl who grew up behaving like a lady would remain a virgin until marriage, become a perfect helpmeet to a worthy man, and raise children who would reflect the best aspects of the southern culture. Conversely, a little girl who was headstrong enough to break one part of the code of ladyhood was in imminent danger of slipping into the abyss. And since the example set by one rebellious girlchild could lead to the ruination of many, there was no room for compromise. Those who fell short might not be immediately punished, yet they knew wherein they had failed and suffered the hell of knowing they had never quite measured up. But the tyranny of appropriateness reached far beyond matters of everyday dress and decorum and into the world of religion. God moved in mysterious ways his wonders to perform. He not only managed to keep his separate

Negative encoding in a language retarded group

Deaf children were presented with a pair of colours comprising a constantly presented option and an occasionally presented option, and were trained always to choose the latter. They were then required to transmit the solution of the problem to a naive subject, under the conditions that they knew that the receiver had the constant, wrong colour and one other colour which altered between trials, but without knowing the identity of the other colour. Because he could only identify the wrong choice, the best solution for the transmitter was to instruct the decoder not to choose the constantly presented colour. The choices made by naive receivers were no better than for subjects who lacked instructions from transmitters who had previously learned not to choose the constant colour. Only experienced receivers, those who had previously acted as transmitters, showed facilitation after repeated trials. A message analysis revealed that negative items were not used. It was concluded that negative forms were not fully integrated into the productive system of these children, and that the primacy of positives previously evident in comprehension has now been demonstrated in production.

An iinvestigation into some of the underlying associative verbal processes of the Stroop colour effect.

The Stroop test was examined to throw some light on the verbal basis of the test. When words are presented printed in the wrong colour it is found that the written word provides more interference with response to the colour of print than occurs the other way round (the Stroop effect). It was shown that, by allowing subjects to match the colour of the print with colour patches instead of words, the interference due to the written word can be considerably reduced. In a further experiment, associations were formed by the subjects between nonsense syllables and colours in the course of a paired-associate learning task. When nonsense syllables were presented printed in colours different from those associated with them, it was found that the interference effects depended upon the direction of the stimulus-response association in the paired-associate experiment. It is concluded that the underlying processes in the Stroop effect are primarily verbal and depend partly upon the directionality of previously established verbal associations.