Wooden Handle Research Articles

Changes in the execution of a complex manual task after ipsilateral ischemic cerebral hemispheric stroke

Objective: To analyze behavioral adaptation of hemiplegic patients performing a complex manual task without time constraint. It was postulated that ipsilateral motor disturbance could not be observed after a hemispheric stroke. Design: Two manual tasks were used: (1) a new one, “Pig-Tail,” required the patients to run a 3-cm-diameter copper ring in a wooden handle along a wavy copper wire without any time constraint; (2) the second task was the Nine-Hole Peg Test (NHPT). Setting: A hospital department of rehabilitation. Patients: A consecutive sample of 36 patients, who had all suffered an ischemic stroke in the middle cerebral artery territory, 18 with left hemisphere damage (LHD) and 18 with right (RHD), and who had similar ages (mean 54 ± 13), stroke severity, time since stroke (mean 60 days), and functional independence according to the FIM. Main Outcome Measure: Main data were number of faults, time in seconds, and difference of time for two trials. Analysis compared the results with the same hand for patients and 86 healthy subjects. Results: Patients scores for NHPT were worse than controls, whatever the side of the lesion ( p < .05). For Pig-Tail, the number of faults by patients was greater than by controls ( p < .05); time was higher for LHD, but not significantly, and was similar to controls for RHD. All patients and controls speeded up between the two trials. Although the RHD were clumsy, they were always faster than LHD patients. Conclusion: There are ipsilateral motor disturbances in a complex manual task after hemispheric stoke, even without a speed constraint, and regardless of the hemisphere damaged. Further studies are needed to examine speed control that seemed impaired by right hemisphere damage and could explain clumsiness in these patients.

Poignées-verrous de granges en Haut-Chablais et leurs «secrets»

Viard (Claude) &amp; Plantamp (Didier). — Locking Wooden Closures on Barn Doors in Haut-Chablais, and their «Secrets». In Haut-Chablais, one type of closure for barn doors has continued unchanged up to the present : the wooden handle with a boit, of which one example extant bears the date 1776. The authors describe the door which has the closure, its rudimentary mechanism, and the hidden (simple or double) catch, which sometimes gives it a certain sophistication. They end with an évocation of the personality of a craftsman known as the Creator of some decorated examples. Le Monde alpin et rhodanien, 4e trimestre 1991, pp. 85 à 93

An Ancient Maya Hafted Stone Tool from Northern Belize

In 1974, the late Dennis Puleston excavated a hafted stone artifact from the mucky fill of an ancient canal near San Antonio, Orange Walk District, in northern Belize. The artifact consists of several pieces of a wooden handle and a large chipped stone biface originally set in a mortise haft through the handle.

WHO INVENTED THE GOOD HUMOR BAR?

One of those who heard of Nelson's original 1919 discovery that melted chocolate could be made to adhere to ice cream was Harry Burt, a confectioner and ice cream parlor operator in Youngstown, Ohio. Burt, who had successfully marketed a lollipop called the Good Humor Sucker, was always looking for new ideas, so in 1920 he decided to try to replicate Nelson's feat. After a series of failures, late one night Burt emerged from his hardening room and presented his new ice cream bar to the family to taste. His daughter approved but thought the bar "too messy" and asked why he did not put it on a stick like his famous lollipop. Father Burt went back to the hardening room and tried a new prototype model with a stick in it. A bond was formed by ice crystals interlocking with the wooden handle and it stuck. He immediately applied for a patent on the Good Humor Ice Cream Sucker. Burt liked the name "Good Humor" because it expressed his belief that the humors of the mind were regulated by those of the palate. After three years of waiting, the Good Humor patent had still not come through, so Burt's son, Harry, Jr., was sent to Washington with a five-gallon can of Good Humors which he carried to the Patent Office. Young Harry literally forced his evidence into the mouths of patent officials, who then agreed that it was an original idea and granted the patent.

Ringkloster, en jysk indlandsboplads med Ertebøllekultur

Ringkloster, en jysk indlandsboplads med Ertebøllekultur

A Neolithic Stone Axe and Wooden Handle from Port Talbot

A Neolithic Stone Axe and Wooden Handle from Port Talbot

The ‘Welland’ type of thistle tongs

AbstractThistle tongs were used on the Upper Lias clays of the Welland Valley until the 1930s, and in some cases more recently on gardens and similar small patches of cultivation. Five pairs from the collection of the late Mr. E. G. Bolton are now in the Rutland County Museum, and it is highly probable that further examples lie in barns and outhouses of the area.Unlike those described by S. Pilling (‘Folk Life’, Vol. 7, 1969, p. 119), these examples are of iron with wooden handles. In spite of greater sophistication and ubiquity there are no signs of mass-production; the considerable variations in size and detail would indicate their having been custom-made by the local blacksmith in accordance with a generally-known pattern. The total length of each implement is about three feet of which a little over two-thirds is taken up by the wooden handle. These handles are shaped and smoothed to about one inch diameter, one pair (B 1969167) terminating in small bulbs for ease of grip.

A Carved Wooden Ax Handle from Nicaragua

AbstractA well-preserved carved wooden ax handle was recently found on the Chiltepe Peninsula, Lake Managua, Nicaragua. The upper portion is in the form of a king vulture. The specimen is unique, since wooden objects in this area are rarely preserved. It was probably the work of the pre-Columbian Mangue Indians.

Modern Cuicatec Use of Prehistoric Sacrificial Knives

AbstractThree Mixtec human sacrificial knives of the late Postclassic period were found in 1957 at the Cuicatec village of San Andres Papalo in northern Oaxaca, Mexico. They were being used to sacrifice chickens and turkeys as offerings in curing ceremonies at a ruined prehistoric site on top of the mountain which rises above the village. Offerings of food and drink are made to the spirit of thunder who lives on the mountain top and who has power to control longevity and cure the sick. The three knives and a conch trumpet were stored in a ceremonial cave near the village. One wooden handle is plain; the others are carved to represent a human hand and the head of a serpent. The handles lack the elaborate mosaic decoration which distinguishes the few prehistoric sacrificial knives in museum collections. These three knives constitute material evidence for the survival of a prehistoric ritual system which involved the making of blood sacrifice to rain gods on mountain tops. The shift from human to animal sacrificial victims is probably the major change in the prehistoric pattern.

Statistical Quality Control

Statistical Quality Control is the application of statistical methods to manufacturing and industrial problems. These methods, which were first employed less than thirty years ago, are widely used today. The first assembly operation was performed many thousands of years ago when some stone age man fitted a stone to a wooden handle by means of some crude rope to make the first axe. Manufacturing in ancient times and up until less than two centuries ago was on a custom basis. One could not drive in at the corner service station to get a new wheel if he broke one on his wagon. A new one would have to be made and fitted in place. One of the biggest improvements in manufacturing practice was made just before 1800, when Eli Whitney made some parts for guns which were interchangeable. It was the comrrion thing during this period for one man to make his own tools, make the parts, inspect them, and then assemble them. Today, workmen usually performi very specialized functions. One of these specialized functions in a manufacturing plant is Quality Control. The first use of statistical methods to improve a manufacturing process was in the early 1920's. This was done by Dr. Walter Shewhart at the Bell Telephone Company. Since that time, the use of these techniques has spread to nearly all of the large manufacturing companies and many of the small ones. This growth was rather slow at first, but due primarily to the stimulus of the last war, these methods have become very widely used in recent years. Several companies report savings in the millions due to use of quality control techniques. Statistics is a field whichi presents many opportunities. Quality Control presents splendid opportunities for young men who lhave some knowledge of statistics and also some knowledge of engineering or manufacturing processes. There are also trenmendous possibilities for the application of these techniques to fields other than the manufacture of machine parts. Quality Control has been applied to chemical processes, packaging of food an]i other materials. fhere is an answer for a mathemratics teacher wh1o may be asked the question, What can I do with mathematics other than teach? The field of Quality Control can be divided into three branches: process control, acceptance sampling, and research and development. A brief description of some 6f the methods used will be given here. Process control concerns a manufacturer's inspection of his own product in order to determine: 1. what to do with the parts which have been made, (accept, rework, or reject) 2. what to do about the manufacturing process, (change it or not). This control is usually accomplished by statistical tools called control

Stone Implements and the Yami Tribe of Botel Tobago (Kõsõho)

In addition to the writer's paper on the stone implements of Botel Tobago published ten years ago, Mr. E. R. LEACH has described these implements in a recent issue of Man. In this paper, the writer describes certain materials added to his collection since the date of his last paper, particilar, their uses and their relations to those found in adjacent regions.The author, after all has only a few examples of stone implemenst from Botel Tobago, all of which were either obtained from the Yami men who had them as heirlooms from their forefathers, or were found buried under ground when they were working in the fields. The Yami is one of the few tribes in southeastern Asia who have a legend that their forefathers have used stone implements in ancient times.Fig. 1, a stone implement which they call Chichivchiv and which has a characteristic waist form of outline, is made by knocking a piece off a waterworn boulder, so numerous on the sea-shore, one of its facs being chipped until it is flat, but rough, while its other face is left unworked, being smooth and convex. According to the Yami, this tool was not hafted to a wooden handle, but was held in the hand by itself for striking at and removing the roots of grasses and shrubs, and also when loosening the earth of a field. At present the Yami use only a digging-stick in working in the field, the hoe complete with head and wooden handle being quite unknown to them. The Chichivchiv presents an interesting problem regarding the use of certain types of chipped stone implements, to which hitherto had generally been believed were used for hoeheads.Figs. 3, 4 show a Roofed axe (Dachformige Beil), which the Yami men call Uma-no-inapo (chisel used by the ancester). Now the Yami men use an iron chisel that resembles in shape this stone implement.Fig. 5 (left) shows the stone implement which the villagers of Irararai call Chichivchiv. It is a asymmetrical adze which J. G. Andersson named, a Fourcornered axe (Vierkantbeil), ground on one side only. It is said that it was hafted to a wooden handle in such a way that the blade shall be parallel to the handle, and used for removing the roots of grasses and shrubs. The principal wood-working tool of the Yami is an axe, or Wasai, no adze in any form being found. From the presence in Botel Tobago of plank-built boats that seem to have been in use from years back, and from the fact that the term Wasai means axe as well as iron both in the Philippines and in Indonesia, the author is inclined to believe that the axe iron head seems to have been in use from remote times.The stone implements from Botel Tobago are made of six kinds of rock, namely andesite, basalt, porphyry, sandstone, quartzite, and nephrite. Although the first mentionedrock is in found Botel Tobago, the remaining two rocks are not, which fact seems to show that some of the stone implements were introduced to the island by immigrant tribes.So far as our present knowledge goes, the stone implements of the northern coasts of Botel Tobago appear to differ somewhat from those of the southern coasts. Those found in the latter, namely, the Roofed axe (Dachformige Beil) Figs. 3, 4 and the Cylindrical axe (Walzenbeil) (Fig. 2) are closely allied to those of the Philippines, . while those of the northern coast, the Fourcornered axe (Vierkantbeil) made of silicified sandstone of bluish-grey colour (Fig. 5, left), and earrings of nephrite (Fig. 6.-2, 3) have been excavated from the Yuwao site of Samasana island, pointing to some sort of intercourse between Samasana island and the northern coast of Botel Tobago. This is also suggested by a legend of the Irararai village to the effct that the Shirarorarogan, a tribal group of that village, who had unique customs differing from those of other groups of that village is, said to have been engaged in considerable traffic on the seas between Botel Tobago and Samasana island, eleven generations ago.

Hide-scrapers of the Formosan Aborigines in Connexion with the Use of Asymmetrical Adze

Our present knowledge of the use of certain types of Neolithic stone implements leaves considerable room for discussion. In this paper the author deals with one of the possible uses of the so-called asymmetrical adze, from his observations of certain implement found among the Formosan aborigines and referred to in their legends.The asymmetrical adze is Dr. J. G. ANDERSSON'S name for a polished stone axe with cutting edge ground on one side only, which hitherto had generally believed to be used for adze, hoe, and chisel. The author has already pointed out the additional use of this sort of stone implement from. the case of the Yami tribe of Botel Tobago (Kotosho) who use it as an axe by fixing a wooden handle to it.From prehistoric sites elsewhere in the island of Formosa, the author has obtained asymmetrical adze, made of somewhat fragile rock or also of a stronger rock but in thin section, neither of which can stand any hard blows, such as those required of an axe, nor serve as a sharp edge in carving wood. For these reasons, the author was constantly under the impression that such a type of asymmetrical adze was used not for the purposes generally believed, but for some other purpose yet unknown to us.This supposition seems confirmed to some extent by what he found in the course of his two month's sojourn, last summer, among the mountain tribes of Central Formosa. In early August, the author excavated for relics the site of the Beyo village, belonging to the northern group of the Tsou tribe, and unearthed a considerable number of stone implements, besides pottery fragments, among which former were two types of unmistakable asymmetrical adzes, the one broad, and the other slender and of chisel-like shape (Fig, 1). Conversations with the old tribesmen promptly led the author to conclude that in their young days such stone implements were used as hide-scrapers, with the result that in the course of his later travels, his attention was directed to the hide-scrapers now being used by the aborigines, when it was found that the hide-scrapers now used closely resemble the asymmetrical adzes that were excavated from the Beyo site. The Tsou and Bunun tribes of this part of the island tan more leather for their domestic use than all the other Formosan aborigines. The deer, serow; and muntjac are the chief game-animals whose skins are used for garment. Their hide-scrapers may be divided into the following three types. The first, as used by the northern group of the Tsou tribe, and called Osisana, is a rectangular piece of iron about 12cm long and 3.5cm wide (Fig. 2-1). The hides, which are laid flat on the ground, are scraped with a pulling action, holding the tool in the hand. The second, which is called Kikiskis, Segisigisi-tatiya, and Komakiikis by the Bunun tribe and the southern groups of the Tsou tribe, is almost identical in shape and size with that of the preceding type, although the blade of the scraper is fastened with rattan cords to the loop of a wooden handle. The third type (Segisigisi-tigai) differs from the preceding in the blade being much slenderer and of smaller size (9cm long and 1.6cm wide). The southern group of . the Tsou tribe, who use it, do so prior to using the second type in scraping hides.From the foregoing observations, it is apparent that, in ancient times, asymmetrical adzes of both broad and slender forms were used for scraping hides, although, in accordance with the opinions of other investigators, the asymmetrical adze might have been used as adze, hoe, or chisel in certain cases. However, the author is strongly of the opinion that most of the asymmetrical adzes found in the various prehistoric sites of Eastern Asia were used for hide-scraping.

Dance of the Bassas at Abaji

Some time ago the Society acquired a series of water-colour drawings by Mrs. Kennett which were shown for several months in the Exhibition Room. Later we have received from her a series of notes upon the drawings, and have now the pleasure of reproducing, unfortunately only in black and white, some of the drawings with relevant notes. The whole series will be found in the Map Room collections.-Ed. G.J. THE Bassas are agriculturists and their methods of cultivation have never varied. They dislike any suggestion of innovation, or of modern laboursaving contrivances. They have no knowledge of the rotation of crops, and where they have once grown yams, there will they continue to grow yams, and the same conservatism is applied to their crops of guinea-corn, cassava, groundnuts, etc. They will hack down trees ruthlessly in order to supply themselves with supports of the right height up which to train the bright leafage of the yams, and a plantation often presents the appearance of a forest of gaily festooned maypoles. Their one implement is a gigantic hoe; this has a splayed-out blade which is set at an acute angle to the wooden handle. When visiting Abaji, a district in the north of the Koton Karifi Division of Kabba Province, we were fortunate enough to witness a Bassa harvest dance. Our coming coincided with their New Year, at which time they keep their harvest festival. The local chief, a man named Okuru, an Igala, arranged that we should also see Guari, Igala, Igbirra, and Gana-gana entertainments, and there was much similarity. The shuffling dancing steps and the monotony of the drumming and the forced humour of the antics of dodos were not interesting. One dodo, a man disguised as a female, with sham breasts of attempted anatomical realism, was frankly revolting. After a short while the dodos turned a few half-hearted somersaults and cartwheels, and lost themselves among the crowd of spectators, who were duly kept back from the wide open space in front of Abaji resthouse by Okuru's police. There came a wild jangle of bells, and the weirdest objects came charging up the centre drive. Fortunately I had been warned that the Bassa greeting might be alarming, but even so was scarcely prepared for what happened. There seemed to be a babel of noise, the crowd shouted and chattered, the drums beat, and about forty Bassas, their bodies and faces whitewashed, their heads adorned by horns and other strange head-gear, rushed towards us. Pausing to give forth loud coughing noises, something between forced groans and grunts, each man calculated the distance nicely and swung the great hoe he carried within an inch of our noses. It was difficult not to flinch, and to appreciate such an alarming greeting. Some of the men were nearly naked, but others in honour of the festival had arrayed themselves in a multitude of gaily coloured garments; some wore purple, plum-colour, apple green or scarlet pantaloons; some had short jackets and skirts, and most wore grassy aprons behind. Many of the headdresses were shaped not unlike Roman helmets, a semicircle from back to front, but set with cowries and bits of looking-glass in symmetrical design; many strings of cowries hung from the edge of the semicircle to the wearers' feet. I do not know upon what animal grew the gigantic

Professor Michael Pupin

The early life of Pupin was spent tending the herds at Idvor on the Austrian frontier. In his autobiography, From Immigrant to Inventor, a book that went through sixteen reprints in a few years, the author tells the fascinating story of his life, and how the methods of ground signalling employed by the shepherds to detect the straying of cattle at night or the approach of cattle thieves—a knife blade with a long wooden handle used as a stethoscope—came to his aid when, with scientific knowledge, he applied the lessons so learned to his inventions.

Societies and Academies

Society of Physics and Natural History, July 6. E. FBIEDHEIM, B. Susz and J. BAEB: The energy of activation and the temperature coefficient of a biological reaction. The respiration of the larvae of Diphyllobothrium latum. The considerable range of temperature over which these larvae live has led the authors to make a kinetic study with this parasite. The trend of the oxygen absorption curves is identical with that obtained in the case of a heterogeneous catalysis. E. JOUKOWSKY: On the frequent presence of pyrites crystals in the diatoms of a lake chalk: their probable bacterial origin. The author has found in a lake chalk diatoms containing pyrites in several forms. The iron arises from material dissolved or in suspension in the water. This hypothesis is one which it is possible to control by experiment. G. TIEBCY: Two theorems on ionisation in the Cepheids. The two theorems are based on the formula of the degree of ionisation. They show that the phase of maximum ionisation (the youngest spectrum) occurs after that of the maximum temperature and before that of the light maximum. M. GYSIN: Petro-graphical researches in the Haut-Katanga. (5). The formations of the system of Muva. This system includes the whole of the formations previous to the base conglomerate of Roan. The author distinguishes twelve principal types of rocks. G. GUTZEIT, M. GYSIN and R. GALOPIN: An attempt at the indirect chemical determination of the minerals in a polished surface by the drop test. A. WEINSTEIN: The theory of liquid jets taking capillarity into account. F. CHODAT and M. JUNQTJEBA: The endocellular hydrogen donators of yeast and their variation as a function of the age of the cultures. The authors give a report of their researches on the variation of the endocellular hydrogen donators of yeast with increasing age of the cultures. They add certain observations on the specific role of various buffer systems. L. REVEBDIN: The presence of a wedge in an un-described specimen from the older lacustral Neolithic. The author exhibits a specimen arising from the lower level of the neolithic remains of Port-Conty (Neuchatel). It is composed of a fragment of hollow stag's horn, fitted with a wooden handle. Microscopic examination shows that this handle has been perforated by a wedge of a different kind of wood. The complete instrument might be either a club or the end of a hatchet handle, the fragment of horn acting as a sort of grip. G. GUTZEIT, R. MONNIEB and R. BACHOULKOWA-BBUN: A new azo reagent for the magnesium cation, -acetylaminophenyl-5-azooxy-quinoline.

Research Items

The Campas Indians, East Peru.—Some notes on the culture of the Campas Indians of eastern Peru are given by Prof. Morris G. Caldwell and Mr. John Calhoun in the Scientific Monthly for March. An area covering several thousand square miles of jungle and mountainous land and intersected by several tributaries of the upper Amazon is characterised by a common culture sufficiently uniform to justify the name of ‘the Campas Culture-area’. It extends from the Pachitea River south to the Mantaro, and from the Ucanali westward to a line from Jauja to Huanaco. The Indians possess a well-developed culture, though it appears to be retarded. They use bamboo arrows three feet long, tipped with a sharpened palmwood head sixteen inches long. Four small prongs encircle the point to catch in the flesh. Blunt hardwood heads are used for killing small birds. Fish arrows have three prongs. The bow is of palmwood five feet long. A hunting axe of dull porous stone hafted on a two-foot wooden handle is used. The principal means of transportation is by canoe—a dugout about thirty-five feet long and five feet wide. It is made from palm-wood by the use of axe and fire. Pottery jars are made from the yellow river clay; they are used for carrying water, fruit berries, etc. Garments are made from cotton which grows wild, and are often decorated with feathers, bunches of bone, seeds, nuts, toes of small animals, and bones of small birds and monkeys. The dress is a slip-over garment without sleeves and a poncho. They chew coca leaf and have an intoxicating liquor made from yucca root chewed by the old women.

Research Items

A Benin Ivory.-In Man for January, Capt. T. A. Joyce figures and describes a carved ivory ewer from Benin recently presented to the British Museum by the Christy Trustees. The ewer is made of a section of elephant tusk covering an iron lining which is prolonged into a lip everted over the ivory jacket. An iron foot also everted has been added at the base. A wooden handle is fitted at the side, obviously a later addition, as it cuts into the carved design at the lower point of junction with the vessel. The entire exterior of the ivory is covered with carving in rounded relief. The ornament is arranged in two horizontal bands separated by a band carved in interlaced pattern. At the base of the ewer is a second band of interlaced carving. In the upper register is represented a catfish, a centipede, a frog, a two-headed bird, and a. fish; in the lower an elephant's head, a crocodile seizing a fish, and a grazing antelope. The designs are excellent examples of the tendency towards symmetry characteristic of artists of all ages. The elephant's head is seen from above, the tusks and ears have been curtailed to fit the space, and the trunk is divided into two diverging sections, each terminating in a human hand holding a branch. The specimen is believed to be unique. It was probably carved soon after Portuguese power began to spread on the west coast of Africa in the sixteenth century. The shape of the ewer suggests European influence, but the artist has preserved his native style in all its purity. The ewer is 9-2 in. in height.

III. Remarks on the nature of electric energy, and on the means by which it is transmitted

The writer has clearly shown the interchange of thermic and dynamic energy at the point of junction of the bars of a thermo-electric element of antimony and bismuth, and he has also pointed out that the dynamic nature of electric energy is not less clearly indicated by the long-known fact that an ordinary voltaic current always commences with a rush, as it were, the instant that the circuit is closed. The dynamic cause of this is clearly pointed out by an experiment due to the genius of Prof. Wheatstone. If a tuning-fork, the tail of which is inserted longitudinally into a wooden handle, like a file or chisel, be made to vibrate, and the end of the handle rested obliquely on a table, the resonance of the table will instantly be heard; but on moving the diapason parallel to itself in any election on the table, the resonance ceases, from the perpetual interference of the successive planes of vibration with each other. But now comes the illustration:—On arresting the motion of translation, the resonance immediately recommences, but with a rush or momentary increase of sound: this must unquestionably arise from the resistance offered by the inertia of the molecules of wood to the recommencement of wave-motion; and the parallel phenomenon in electricity may undoubtedly be similarly accounted for. And the reflex momentary current (the terminal extra-current of Faraday), which is well known to take place at the instant of opening the circuit, is equally susceptible of a dynamic interpretation: it is the analogue of the wave reflected from the fixed end of a stretched cord, after having been imparted by the hand to the free end. The hair was taken from a lad aged seven years and a half, a gentleman’s son; he is reported as being “an active, healthy boy, quick and intelligent.” He was delicate up to the age of four, having suffered in quick succession the diseases of childhood, a severe attack of croup, and several attacks of convulsions. The change in the appearance of the hair was first noticed when he was between two and three years old, and increased perceptibly during the last two years. There is no similar alteration of structure of the eyebrows and eyelashes. His complexion is dark, while that of a younger brother is fair; and the latter is free from any alteration of the hair. The dynamic nature of electric energy is clearly indicated by the dynamo-electric machine of Holtz, in which dynamic is directly converted into electric energy,—and by the cognate machines of Wilde, Wheatstone, Siemens, and Ladd, in all of which alike there is an intervening conversion of dynamic into magnetic energy. The enormous amount of current-energy evolved in Mr. Wilde’s machine when the power of a steam-engine is employed to rotate the armatures may be judged of by the fact that a lag piece of platinum wire 0·2 inch in thickness was seen to be disintegrated and partially fused. It is difficult to conceive that in these stances dynamic energy can be converted into magnetic “fluid,” and tat again into thermic energy: the conversion of motion into matter, and the subsequent reconversion of matter into motion, are obviously impossible.