Women In Politics Research Articles

Women and Power in Zimbabwe: The Need for Feminist Approaches in Considerations of Political Elites

Women politicians in Africa often find themselves in precarious positions as they negotiate their place in men-dominated environments. Their positions are further complicated because political power remains weakly institutionalised in most parts of Africa and highly dependent on informal links between individuals/groups and their respective networks. Given this, this paper looks at both formal and informal networks and relationships, as shaped by local political culture and contexts, to advance the search for a way to provide a more reliable picture of the realities of women politicians within the African context. It advances the elite theory by demonstrating how a feminist approach helps provide a way of understanding political elites that accounts for contextualised gendered power dynamics and experiences. It does so using Zimbabwe’s Joice Mujuru as a case study. The paper combines an African feminist approach and discourse analysis to trace the various debates and discourses around Joice Mujuru’s power to influence policies and decisions, her reputation, and her precarious position in Zimbabwe’s men-dominated political spaces. The paper concludes that a feminist perspective in considerations of political elites helps to better comprehend how various political cultures and contexts shape the understanding of women’s roles and positions in political groups and networks and their relationship to power centres. Such comprehension can shed light on contextual factors to take into account when considering effective ways of promoting women’s political leadership. Ultimately, the paper proposes an African feminist method to help create a path to further explorations of African elite groups and networks in gender-sensitive and context-based ways.

Semiotic Violence

Semiotic Violence

The Puzzle of Chile’s Resilient Support for Gender Parity

Chile’s 2021–22 Constitutional Convention was the first in the world to feature mechanisms that guaranteed gender parity among constituents (Arce and Suárez-Cao 2021). This was not an easy win. Feminist activists and women politicians pushed for gender parity in 2020-21 in a country that had adopted gender quotas relatively late (Figueroa 2021; Reyes-Housholder, Suárez-Cao, and Le Foulon 2023; Suárez-Cao 2023; personal interview #1, April 21, 2023). Reserving seats for Indigenous groups and using other mechanisms to allow space for independent constituents further broadened the convention’s ostensible inclusiveness. After the September 2022 rejection of the 2021–22 Constitutional Convention’s draft, political parties immediately started over by crafting an elite-controlled process. Lawmakers—this time with surprising speed—again coalesced around the idea that an equal number of men and women should write the new draft.

A qualitative study on the attitudes of women politicians toward their roles in politics: a case of Northern Cyprus.

Politics is a mechanism of cooperation for the common interest of society. In this mechanism, each individual is expected to participate equally in the leadership and decision-making mechanisms. Women's participation in politics is essential for the spread of good governance and democracy. Globally, political participation is disaggregated by gender, with men's participation greater than women's. A lower representation of women in politics is also observed in Northern Cyprus. The attitudes or views of society and politicians may determine the political participation of women in leadership positions. This study examines the obstacles and determining factors that make it difficult for women to reach leadership positions even though their political role is increasing. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 21 female participants for this research. Eleven of them are female ministers in parliament and represent the three main political parties in the country. The remaining 10 female participants are also members of the central executive body of the three parties and the National Assembly. Women politicians believe that problems related to gender equality in politics prevent women from entering active politics and rising to leadership positions. Although there was no gender discrimination in Northern Cyprus means that women have gained equal rights with men in many areas, it was concluded that the traditional political culture keeps women out of politics.

We see symbols but not saviors: Women's representation and the political attitudes of working‐class women

AbstractHow does women's representation in politics affect working‐class women's attitudes toward political processes? Despite their increasing presence in the workforce, many women continue to concentrate in occupational sectors characterized by high economic vulnerability and low social status. This dynamic has important implications for the politics of representation. Previous studies suggest that women politicians positively affect women voters' political attitudes, but women's representation in politics is likely to have differing impacts on the political attitudes of working‐class and professional women. This study demonstrates that women's representation has a large class impact among women voters. In particular, using cross‐national data from 31 OECD countries as well as panel survey data from the British Election Study, we show that in countries with a higher degree of women's representation, there is more skepticism among women in low‐skill sectors toward voting and leadership than among those in white‐collar sectors. This is because there exist higher standards of accountability and relatability for women representatives among women voters. Given such high expectations, there is greater room for dissatisfaction among working‐class women than among their white‐collar counterparts when they constantly experience occupational segregation despite a high share of women in politics. In these settings, by contrast, women voters with high‐skill jobs are more likely to believe that voting and leadership matter, as they can better associate themselves with women political elites. Since men voters do not have strong expectations for relatability and accountability for public officeholders, the class impact of women's representation is weak among men. These findings have important implications for the symbolic representation of marginalized groups and democratic accountability.

BREAKING BARRIERS: WOMEN'S POLITICAL EMPOWERMENT IN SOUTHWEST NIGERIA'S LEGISLATIVE LANDSCAPE

This study delves into the dynamic landscape of women's political participation and representation in the legislatures of Southwest Nigeria. Recognizing the importance of fostering gender inclusivity in democratic processes, the research investigates the barriers that hinder women's active involvement in politics and explores strategies to enhance their empowerment. Through a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, including interviews, surveys, and data analysis, the study provides insights into the current status of women's political engagement, highlights successful interventions, and proposes recommendations for breaking barriers andadvancing women's political empowerment in the Southwest Nigerian context.

Gender Stereotypes in the Portrayal of Female Politicians in American Online Newspapers

This study aims to examine the presence of gender stereotypes towards female politicians in American online newspapers. The focus is on gender stereotypes expressed through language use. The method used to investigate this phenomenon is a content analysis of 90 articles from three newspapers, namely The Washington Post, The New York Times and The Guardian US, posted from January 2019 to August 2020, towards three American politicians, namely: Hillary Clinton, Nancy Pelosi, and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. The results have shown that women in politics are portrayed with a strong stereotypical language as the three newspapers contained a substantial body of gender stereotypes towards them. Moreover, the results have revealed that females in politics are mainly depicted through descriptive words related to their personal lives, such as marital status, appearance, and family, rather than other career-related information which could be relevant to the context of the articles. As such, this research could easily find an application in many fields, including media studies, sociolinguistics, cultural studies, politics studies, and gender studies. Nevertheless, a larger scale study and further research on American newspapers and the inclusion of more female politicians is needed, in order to confirm that female politicians are portrayed stereotypically by media.

Women In Politics - Challenges And Prospects: A Study On Elected Women Representatives In Mangalore City Corporation At Dakshina Kannada District In Karnataka

Women In Politics - Challenges And Prospects: A Study On Elected Women Representatives In Mangalore City Corporation At Dakshina Kannada District In Karnataka

Gendered Disinformation of Female Politicians on Social Media in Kenya: A Case of Migori Republican Council Facebook Page

The increase in information communication technologies (ICTs) has undoubtedly facilitated socio-economic and political progress, granting individuals a platform for expression and engagement. However, this increased connectivity has also given rise to disturbing phenomena such as stalking, abuse, intimidation, and humiliation. While the internet has provided a space for both men and women to voice their opinions, gendered disinformation on social media poses a significant threat to women’s rights across various domains, including politics, social interactions, and psychological well-being. Migori Republican Council (MRC) is the largest Facebook page that provides a forum for debates on the Migori County’s political, social and economic issues. Through a case study and analysis of content of the Facebook page collected through web scraping using rapid miner during the political campaigns for the Kenya’s 2022 General elections in the period spanning January to July 2022.The study revealed a landscape dominated by political debates and campaigns for both male and female politicians. However, campaigns targeting female politicians were marred by gendered slurs, focusing on their physical appearance, marital status, and roles as mothers. This form of gendered disinformation undermines women’s credibility and perpetuates harmful stereotypes, hindering their political participation and representation. To address the negative impact of gendered disinformation, the study advocates for public awareness campaigns to sensitize individuals, bloggers, and Facebook page administrators about the risks associated with harmful content on social media. Additionally, administrators should prioritize the formulation and enforcement of community guidelines that uphold human dignity and prohibit gender-based harassment. Gender training programs for bloggers and the public are essential to empower individuals to recognize and combat gendered disinformation effectively. The bloggers, Facebook administrators and the public should be equipped with digital media and information literacy competencies. Furthermore, the study recommends the development of lexicons for local languages spoken in Migori County to facilitate the identification and elimination of gendered disinformation. This localized approach acknowledges the cultural context and linguistic nuances inherent in combating online disinformation and ensures broader inclusivity in addressing gender-based issues on social media platforms.

Women, political violence, and the production of fear in Malawian social media texts

ABSTRACT In the light of insights from the literature on incivility toward women politicians on social media, this article examines the experiences of Malawian women in politics as well as the prescriptive social and cultural norms that are projected onto them by the public. Drawing on social media texts about Veronica Katanga and Joyce Banda during the era of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) (2004–2012 and 2014–2020), I identify a troubling gatekeeping strategy that DPP politicians deliberately used to malign the two women for exercising their right to participate in the 2014 and 2019 general elections. Drawing on Pumla Dineo Gqola’s notion of the “female fear factory,” this study shows how the DPP engaged in political violence (both physically and discursively) to police and instill fear in women politicians. It also shows how DPP politicians and their followers amplified cultural stereotypes and drew on religious themes to achieve this outcome. The article concludes that Malawian women politicians have re-engaged in political participation through textual/feminist strategies that speak truth to power, thereby contributing to the enhancement of activism and agency among women engaging in politics.

Women in politics in Brazil: inclusion and political capital of female federal deputies

Women in politics in Brazil: inclusion and political capital of female federal deputies

The Underrepresentation of Women in Politics: A Literature Review on Gender Bias in Political Recruitment Processes

The Underrepresentation of Women in Politics: A Literature Review on Gender Bias in Political Recruitment Processes

Resisting fascism: The Argentine Junta de la Victoria and its president, 1941-1955

Created in 1941, the Junta de la Victoria (Victory Board, JV) was a Popular Front movement that supplied the Allies. It attracted about 45,000 diverse women throughout Argentina. The JV challenged local fascism by modelling a genuine democracy based on pluralism, intersectional solidarity, freedom, and women's political incorporation. Members created ties across social differences. The JV's promotion of multiculturalism facilitated a shift from the Argentine ideal of a melting pot to one of ethnic diversity. Its president, Ana Rosa Schlieper, seemed an unlikely resistance fighter. Initially her main identities were those of wife, philanthropist, and upper-class socialite. Her whiteness, beauty, and charm enhanced her prestige. In the mid-1930s Schlieper added antifascist and feminist to her intertwined identities. Seizing power in 1943, military officers suppressed the JV, seeing it as a communist organisation. Some Argentine and U. S. officials accused Schlieper of being a communist dupe, although she was loyal to the democratic centrist Radical party. Under populist president Juan Perón (1946-1955), her class and political identities became liabilities. Peronist hegemony and fear of being identified with an anti-Peronist and leftist group obliterated the public memory of Schlieper and the JV until recently.

Double penalty? How candidate class and gender influence voter evaluations

Why are there so few working-class women in politics? While white-collar representatives dominate legislatures in general, the deficit of working-class members is particularly pronounced among female politicians. To answer this question, this study examines the influence of class and gender in voter evaluation. Through the cross-country comparison of conjoint experiments in the U.S. and the U.K., we find that working-class backgrounds disadvantage women candidates in a way that they do not disadvantage their male counterparts. Voters tend to prefer white-collar candidates to working-class politicians. Such a negative effect of working-class backgrounds is particularly evident for female candidates because the negative traits associated with the lower economic class, such as incompetence and lack of ambition, exacerbate voters' questions about female candidates’ qualifications for political leadership. By contrast, for male candidates, whose qualifications are rarely questioned based on their gender, candidates’ working-class background has a less negative impact.

EXAMINING PARITY LAW NR. 04/2018: OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS FOR WOMEN'S POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT IN GUINEA-BISSAU

This article presents a comprehensive analysis of the challenges surrounding women's political participation in Guinea-Bissau, focusing on the impact of affirmative policies, particularly Parity Law Nr. 04/2018. The study adopted qualitative methods of research. Qualitative data for this study is gathered through interviews, focus groups, and document analysis to understand the sociocultural and institutional barriers that deter women from active political engagement. I also use triangulation to collect secondary data to assess the numerical changes in women's representation in political institutions prior post the implementation of Parity Law Nr. 04/2018. The study recommends a critical evaluation of the enforcement and reception of the parity law by examining its adoption within political parties, electoral processes, and governmental structures. The study found that women's representation in the political process of Guinea Bissau is troubling and in a state of decline. The study recommends Key stakeholders, including policymakers, civil society organizations, and female politicians, be consulted for the implementation of affirmative policies geared towards women's representation in politics and governance.

Participation of Women in Political Seminars and their Ability to Mentor their Children in Nakuru County

As the number of women in politics continues to` increase worldwide, balancing their political and parenting roles may pose a challenge. The study was carried out to investigate the effects of women participation in political seminars on their ability to mentor their children.in Nakuru County. The study adopted ex-post facto research design. The study had accessible population of 129 respondents that comprised of 105 women members of county assembly aspirants, 12 women parliamentary aspirants, 10 women representative aspirants and two women senatorial aspirants in Nakuru County during 2017 general elections. Census sampling technique was used to select all the 129 respondents. Data was collected using a questionnaire. Content and face validity of the questionnaire was ascertain of the study objectives and advice by experts from Department of Applied Community Development Studies of Egerton University. To estimate the reliability of the instrument, a pilot study was conducted on fourteen women political aspirants who participated in 2017 general elections from the neighboring Nyandarua County. The questionnaire was considered reliable when it attained an estimated Cronbach Alpha coefficient of 0.78. The questionnaire was self- administered with the guidance from the researcher. Quantitative data was summarized in frequency distribution tables and the responses analyzed using simple and multiple regression analysis methods with the help of SPSS computer package 25.0 version. Qualitative data was summarized in emerging themes based on the objectives of the study. The study revealed that participation of women in political seminars affected their ability to mentor their children. in Nakuru County (β= -0.852) at 0.05 level of significance. Findings of the study may offer insights to women politicians, education researchers and other stakeholders on the importance of parenthood and the challenges faced by women politicians.

Women's Political Empowerment in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq: A Comparison Between the Kurdistan Region in Iraq and the Kurdish Autonomous Administration in Syria

This study examines the role of women’s political participation in empowering women and promoting gender equality in Kurdish society, comparing the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the Kurdish Autonomous Administration in Syria. The research aims to understand how political parties and women’s organizations influence women's empowerment and address gender issues in these regions. Using a mixed-methods approach, the study draws on 15 interviews and 474 surveys from political party members, women’s organizations, government officials, and local residents in Erbil, Sulaymaniyah, Dhok, Kerkuk, Halabja, and parts of the Kurdish Autonomous Administration in Syria. The findings show that women’s organizations, particularly in Rojava, have been pivotal in advancing gender equality through initiatives such as Jineology and self-protection strategies. However, women in both regions continue to face significant socio-economic and familial barriers, limiting their political and societal participation. While the regional focus presents a limitation in generalizing the findings, the research provides practical implications for improving women’s political involvement and rights. The study offers original insights by comparing the political empowerment of women across two distinct Kurdish regions, highlighting the critical role of women’s organizations and the need for collaborative efforts to dismantle barriers and promote gender equality in Kurdish society.

Women in panchayats: The history, the perspective and the background

Women play a key role in India's Panchayat Raj System by serving as Panchayat members and chairpersons. The primary reason for including women in the system was to engage them in national administration and progress. The United Nations (UN) adopted the Convention on Women's Political Rights in 1952 and has organized four World Conferences on Women, the fourth of which was held in Beijing in 1995. This conference declared that women's equal participation in decision-making is not only a requirement for justice and democracy but also essential for ensuring their well-being is taken into account. It also stated that women must have at least a 30% share of decision-making positions. However, the participation of women in politics and public life in India remains woefully low. There is a significant gap between men and women in political activities beyond voting. Women's involvement at higher levels of governance is notably lower compared to their participation at the lower levels. In the domestic sphere, women's leadership and administrative skills are quietly acknowledged, yet they are not given space in the public arena. While other marginalized communities, such as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, received reservations in Parliament and State Legislative Assemblies, women were not initially granted any reservation in the Constitution of India, which limited their political empowerment.

Antigone's Example: Early Modern Women's Political Writings in Times of Civil War from Christine de Pizan to Helen Maria Williams by Mihoko Suzuki (review)

Antigone's Example: Early Modern Women's Political Writings in Times of Civil War from Christine de Pizan to Helen Maria Williams by Mihoko Suzuki (review)

Women's Political Participation in Mazandaran Province and the Socio-Cultural Factors Affecting It

The aim of this study is to examine and investigate the socio-cultural factors influencing women's political participation in Mazandaran. The theoretical framework is based on the perspectives of Robert Putnam, Habermas, Lerner, Milbrath, and Lipset. The research method is a survey, and the unit of analysis is women over 18 years of age. The sampling method is multi-stage cluster sampling, and the sample size, according to Cochran's formula, is 384 individuals. The data collection tool is a researcher-made questionnaire. Data analysis methods include Pearson correlation coefficient, path analysis, and multiple regression analysis using SPSS software. Face validity was used to assess validity, and the Cronbach's alpha coefficient for the dependent variable of political participation was 0.885, indicating the reliability of the variables. The findings showed that the average political participation in both the objective and subjective dimensions of political participation was moderate. About 8.9% reported very low levels of political participation. Approximately 17.7% indicated low participation, about 33.8% reported moderate participation, about 21.4% reported high participation, and about 14.6% reported very high political participation. There is a positive and direct relationship between the variables of social capital, political socialization, the extent of media use, cultural capital, religiosity, and the level of social security with the level of political participation in both objective and subjective dimensions. Regression analysis shows that 41.2% of the variance in women's political participation is related to the independent variables. The highest explanation of variance and changes in women's political participation belong to the variables of political socialization and social capital, respectively. In conclusion, strengthening and enhancing social and cultural capital, the feeling of security, socialization, political socialization, and religious beliefs can play a significant role in shaping women's attitudes towards political participation in both the subjective and objective dimensions of political participation, encouraging women residing in the cities of Mazandaran province to increase their political participation in various social arenas.