A good deal has been written in the past thirty years on the topics of occupational choice, the female role, female self-concepts, and women's occupational plans. Some of the major efforts dealing with occupational plans. Some of the major efforts dealing with occupa tional choice (Super, 1957; Holland, 1959) have focused on the importance of the self-concept in determining this choice. An individual chooses an occupation, it is suggested, by matching his perceived needs, interests, values, and capabilities with the perceived requirements and rewards of various occupations. However, there are several broadly related studies whose results would seem to imply that what women think men think is more important than their self-concepts in determining their occupational behavior. For exam ple, a number of studies (Kuhn and McPartland, 1954; Couch 1958; Bennett and Cohen, 1959; Douvan, 1960; Hall, 1964) suggest that women are less self-determining, and are more other-directed than men. It seems likely that women would accept men as significant others and act in accordance with their wishes, moreover, since women generally accept the idea that men are superior to them (McKee and Sherriffs, 1957, 1959). Furthermore, women's self-con cepts appear to be less well defined and independent than those of men (De Veauvoir, 1953; Kuhn and McPartland, 1954; Douvan, 1960). Studies dealing more directly with the occupational plans of females tend to support the thesis that what men are perceived as doing or thinking plays an important part in these plans. Heist (1963), for example, found that women's ambition to pursue academia or a career is hampered by 1) anxiety over finding a mate and fear of non-marriage, 2) lack of adequate female role models, 3)