Party Women Research Articles

Works councils and workers’ party preferences in Germany

AbstractResearch on the consequences of works councils has been dominated by economic aspects. Our study provides evidence that works councils have non‐financial consequences for society that go beyond the boundaries of the workplace. Using panel data from a large sample of workers in Germany, we show that works councils have an influence on workers’ party preferences. Works council presence is negatively associated with preferences for extreme right‐wing parties and positively associated with preferences for the Social Democratic Party and The Left. These results hold in panel data estimations including a large set of controls and accounting for unobserved individual‐specific factors. Our findings fit the notion that workplace democracy increases workers’ solidarity and their awareness of social and political issues. However, the influence of works council representation on party preferences is gender‐specific. Asymmetric gender norms within society may entail a lower responsiveness of women's party preferences to workplace democracy.

"Eugenics, social reform, and psychology: The careers of Isabelle Kendig": Correction to Harris (2021).

Reports an error in "Eugenics, social reform, and psychology: The careers of Isabelle Kendig" by Ben Harris (History of Psychology, 2021[Nov], Vol 24[4], 350-376). In the article, multiple instances of "St. Elizabeths Hospital" were incorrectly changed to "St. Elizabeth's Hospital." The online version of this article has been corrected. (The following abstract of the original article appeared in record 2021-90746-001.) The psychologist Isabelle Kendig had two careers before earning her doctorate and rising to the position of chief psychologist at St. Elizabeths Hospital in Washington, DC. She began as a eugenic field worker in 1912, focusing on Shutesbury, Massachusetts, where she administered intelligence tests to the locals, collected gossip about their character, and created genealogical charts. When she presented her research to Charles Davenport and other social scientists concerned with social defect, Kendig dissented from eugenics orthodoxy. She was shunned by Davenport, who, in turn, falsified her findings to fit his beliefs. She was then hired by Massachusetts and New Hampshire to survey intellectual disability in each state. Following her work in eugenics, Kendig was briefly a leading figure in feminist and antimilitarist campaigns, including the National Women's Party and the 1924 presidential campaign of Senator Robert La Follette. In 1933, she earned a PhD in clinical psychology from Radcliffe and went on to help guide the field's post-WWII expansion. True to her feminist ideals and with the help of her husband, she juggled marriage, her three careers, and the parenting of four children. She thus serves as a noteworthy member of the second generation of women in psychology in the United States. Using unpublished correspondence between Kendig, her parents, and her future husband, this article offers a rare glimpse of a young feminist struggling to build a career and a life unconstrained by patriarchal norms. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Eugenics, social reform, and psychology: The careers of Isabelle Kendig.

The psychologist Isabelle Kendig had two careers before earning her doctorate and rising to the position of chief psychologist at St. Elizabeths Hospital in Washington, DC. She began as a eugenic field worker in 1912, focusing on Shutesbury, Massachusetts, where she administered intelligence tests to the locals, collected gossip about their character, and created genealogical charts. When she presented her research to Charles Davenport and other social scientists concerned with social defect, Kendig dissented from eugenics orthodoxy. She was shunned by Davenport, who, in turn, falsified her findings to fit his beliefs. She was then hired by Massachusetts and New Hampshire to survey intellectual disability in each state. Following her work in eugenics, Kendig was briefly a leading figure in feminist and antimilitarist campaigns, including the National Women's Party and the 1924 presidential campaign of Senator Robert La Follette. In 1933, she earned a PhD in clinical psychology from Radcliffe and went on to help guide the field's post-WWII expansion. True to her feminist ideals and with the help of her husband, she juggled marriage, her three careers, and the parenting of four children. She thus serves as a noteworthy member of the second generation of women in psychology in the United States. Using unpublished correspondence between Kendig, her parents, and her future husband, this article offers a rare glimpse of a young feminist struggling to build a career and a life unconstrained by patriarchal norms. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Women Parties and the Fight for Equality in Israel

Women Parties and the Fight for Equality in Israel

Revisiting «Gender Equality» in European Politics

Despite the formal equality of women and men in rights, political activity and the decision-making process on public issues remain male-dominated areas. Political priorities are determined by men, and political culture continues to be mainly masculine. Therefore, separate women's political parties, with their own programs aimed at solving gender problems, enable women to represent themselves in the political processes of the country. The article examines the experience of women's parties in three countries: Sweden (Feminist Initiative), Germany (Feminist Party of Germany), and Spain (Feminist Party of Spain). The author also provides and analyzes data on the involvement of women in the top leadership positions of states. It is argued that the study of the differences between women’s parties in individual countries makes it possible to assess the level of the problem of women’s participation in politics.

Женское движение в России в 1907–1914 гг.

The article examines the women's movement in Russia in 1907–1914. The author studies, what is the women's movement; its causes (discrimination and legal inequality of women in all spheres of life); women's issue (a whole complex of problems related to the unequal position of women in society, economy and family) and the problem of emancipation (liberation) of women. The article also considers the impact of the First Russian Revolution of 1905–1907 on the women's movement, features of the women's movement in 1907–1914 (the stage of formation of a mass women's movement with an extensive infrastructure, integrating various social strata of women). The author shows that the number and diversity of women's organizations continued to increase, which contributed to the formation of a broad social base of the women's movement; presents the classification of women's associations by spheres of activity, by ideological orientation: conservative, liberal (including feminist) and socialist. The article demonstrates the main activities of the women's movement: the struggle for education, for access to professional work, charity, the struggle for civil and political rights, including electoral rights and mentions women's parties, organizations, such as Russian Women's Mutual Charitable Society, Women's Progressive Party, Women's Equality Union, Workers' Mutual Aid Society and three All-Russian women's congresses. It shows participation of various segments of the population in the women's movement. The author analyzes government policy on the women's issue and concludes about the results and significance of the women's movement.

The General Zionists and the WIZO party, 1948-51

ABSTRACT In the first elections for the Israeli parliament (January 1949) WIZO ran as a women's party seeking equal rights for women. It won enough votes for a parliamentary seat – highly unusual in that day and age. WIZO was unique in that it started out as an apolitical women's organisation aligned with the mid-stream Zionist consensus and redefined itself as a party fighting for gender equality.This article examines the developments in the General Zionist Party that led WIZO, founded as a women's philanthropic organisation, to run as an independent political party on its own platform on the eve of the establishment of the State of Israel. It will also look at the impact of WIZO party on Israel's center-right - the General Zionists, the Progressive party and Herut - in the context of the Constituent Assembly elections. The establishment of a women's party in 1948-49 was a unique phenomenon with no equal anywhere in the world at the time.

American Party Women Redux: Stability in Partisan Gender Gaps

ABSTRACTRecent research in American politics demonstrates that despite gender-based partisan sorting, gender gaps in policy preferences persist within political parties—particularly among Republicans. Republican women report significantly more moderate views than their male counterparts across a range of policy areas. These gaps are largely attributable to gender differences in beliefs about the appropriate scope of government and attitudes toward gender-based inequality. Arguably, gender has become a more salient feature of American elections in recent years, and this heightened salience raises questions about whether these within-party gender gaps are stable over time or vary across campaign contexts. We use survey data from the 2012 and 2016 American National Election Study to evaluate whether gender gaps in policy preferences are stable across elections or if the 2016 election context affected the magnitude of gender differences in policy preferences. We find that gender gaps in policy preferences within political parties are fairly stable across the two electoral periods.

Carta de Cuiabá - Mulheres, Médicas de Família e Comunidade, no Brasil

Este artigo é um breve relato histórico sobre a formação do Grupo de trabalho de Mulheres na Medicina de Família e Comunidade da SBMFC (GT-MMFC), que ocorreu em 2016. Em paralelo, descreve-se as principais ações do Wonca Working Party on Women & Family Medicine e do próprio GT-MMFC até os dias atuais. Os objetivos do artigo são registrar a construção deste grupo de trabalho assim como fomentar e fortalecer o debate de todas as dimensões relacionadas às mulheres e a medicina de família e comunidade e a equidade de gênero.

URGENSI PERENCANAAN PARTISIPATIF DALAM PEMBERDAYAAN EKONOMI MASYARAKAT DESA (STUDI KASUS PEMBERDAYAAN KELOMPOK PEREMPUAN DESA PENDABAH)

Community empowerment programs often fail due to low community participation, weak facilitation processes, or lack of targeting. The research aims to determine the existing condition and describe how the participatory planning is able to formulate an agreed Strategic Action Plan of the Pendabah Village women's economic empowerment. Participatory planning process was implemented through a series of focus group discussions (FGDs) and in-depth interviews with Pendabah Village women's groups and other related parties. Research shows that the Family Welfare Empowerment group in Pendabah village has no activities and various community empowerment activities are not running well. Most parties are pessimistic about the successfulness of community empowerment programs in this village. However, community empowerment counselors remain optimistic since Pendabah community is open minded. The FGDs with women's groups, the socialization of woman empowerment success stories, and giving motivation to the group were conducted. As a result, a large empowerment project or program has been determined based on mutual agreement, identified current conditions related to the project, and formulated a Strategic Action Plan for Pendabah Village women's economic empowerment through the Home Yard Utilization Program.

Wartime Violence and Post-War Women's Representation

AbstractHow does wartime violence shape post-war women's representation? Does past violence make women more or less likely to run for office? And if they do run, are they getting elected? This article argues that violence influences women's representation in contrasting ways at these two stages. In wartime, women have more opportunities to gain leadership skills, which likely increases the number of women running for office after the war. However, past violence also increases threat perceptions among voters. This, combined with gender stereotypes about male and female politicians, likely reduces voter support for female candidates. Using pre- and post-war electoral and wartime violence data at the municipal level from Bosnia, the authors present evidence that is consistent with their argument. The results hold across a number of robustness tests, including accounting for post-war demographic gender balance and women's party list placement.

An Alternative Form of Women's Political Representation:Netto, a Proactive Women's Party in Japan

AbstractThis article examines a Japanese local party,Netto, as a new type of women's party. TheNettois defined as a “proactive women's party” to illustrate how it is different not only from conventional political parties but also from parties organized to promote feminist platforms. The JapaneseNettois a women-dominated party in which women constitute the majority of members and candidates, as well as party leadership. The party platform prioritizes practical women's interests such as safe food and child-rearing over women's labor or feminist issues. The gendered characteristics ofNettoappeal to middle-class housewives and mothers, facilitating the electoral success of the party in urban areas. The party's notable features, such as rotation of deputies, term limits, donation of deputy salary, and volunteerism, distinguishNettofrom conventional political parties. As such, the party provides an alternative model of political representation. TheNettoparty illustrates that not all women's parties use a feminist platform, but they still play an important role in changing male-dominated electoral politics.

Women's Parties: A New Party Family

AbstractWomen's parties have a unique and important role to play in the representation of women and women's issues and interests. They are neither a new nor a rare phenomenon and have emerged in a variety of contexts across time and space. And yet we know relatively little about them. This article argues that women's parties matter and that the study of women's parties matters. We contend that women's parties constitute a discrete party family; while there is a diverse range of women's parties, they can be viewed as a coherent group with similar origins, ideology, and naming patterns. This article offers the first research framework for the comparative study of women's parties. Building our knowledge of women's parties, we argue, is important for those interested in gender and politics, particularly those concerned with the representation of women's issues and interests.

The Women's Movement Knocks on the Door: Theorizing the Strategy, Context and Impact of Frauen Macht Politik (FraP!) on Women's Representation in Swiss Politics

“Get up, stand up and live! That's a movement.” — Elisabeth Joris (Joris 2015b) Are women's parties effective? More than 50 women's parties have emerged since 1990 in countries all over the world, contesting and winning seats in local, national, and regional legislatures. Although women's parties are not infrequent, appear in a variety of contexts, and advance common agendas related to inclusion and equality, we know very little about their experiences or whether they have been able to achieve their goals. In this article, Frauen Macht Politik (FraP!) is examined to consider whether and how women's parties present an avenue for advancing women's movement goals. The evidence shows that forming a party can help the movement to set the public agenda, can increase the attention paid to their issues, and can influence the formal institutions of politics. Many variables neglected elsewhere in the literature shape the ability of niche parties to affect the commitments of more established parties: the nature of the small party; its composition, intent, reach, and resources; its institutional context; and the boundaries of the organization. These features also determine the extent to which women's movements can use a political party to influence the representativeness of a political system.

Women's representation and European green parties: unlocking the connection

ABSTRACT Scholars of comparative politics have increasingly turned to parties to explain the variation in women's representation. However, the literature has not fully considered that green parties may provide unique insight into women's representation due to their longstanding ideological attachment to feminism. To understand the question of women's representation in green parties, this analysis examines green parties in 20 European countries. Relying on data from party websites and quotaproject.org, the following categories were examined: the inclusion of women in leadership positions, the inclusion of enforced gender quotas in party structure, the inclusion of women's party member organizations, the structure of recruitment processes, and the content of party platforms. The results show that European green parties maintain a higher level of commitment to gender equality than their individual parliaments. This piece contributes to the growing literature on green parties by examining the ideological connection between green parties and feminism, as well as studying a larger cross-section of green parties than previous studies.

Tea Party Women: Mama Grizzlies, Grassroots Leaders, and the Changing Face of the American Right. By Melissa Deckman. New York: New York University Press, 2016. 384p. $95.00 cloth, $35.00 paper.

Tea Party Women: Mama Grizzlies, Grassroots Leaders, and the Changing Face of the American Right. By Melissa Deckman. New York: New York University Press, 2016. 384p. $95.00 cloth, $35.00 paper.

Tea Party Women: Mama Grizzlies, Grassroots Leaders, and the Changing Face of the American Right. By Melissa Deckman. New York: New York University Press, 2016. 385 pp. $95.00 (hardcover), $35.00 (paperback).

Tea Party Women: Mama Grizzlies, Grassroots Leaders, and the Changing Face of the American Right. By Melissa Deckman. New York: New York University Press, 2016. 385 pp. $95.00 (hardcover), $35.00 (paperback).

The Contagion Effects of the Feminist Initiative in Sweden: Agenda‐setting, Niche Parties and Mainstream Parties

As new parties have emerged in Europe on the left and the right, they have placed pressure on mainstream parties to adjust their issue positions and engage with new issues. This research note asks whether women's parties have the same effect. Analysing election manifestos of the mainstream parties in Sweden from 1991 to 2014, this article considers the extent to which the Swedish Feminist Initiative (F!) has influenced the attention parties pay to women's issues. The data indicate that a profound discursive change has occurred among these parties in Sweden around gender and women's roles in society, resulting in near consensus that gender inequality is a problem necessitating government action. There is gradual evolution for most of the period under study but a marked departure from past trends in 2014, coinciding with the emergence of F! as a contender for EU and parliamentary seats. Consistent with contagion theory, the concerns of women acquired urgency as F! grew more competitive. News coverage and public comment by political parties suggests that F! has had disproportionate influence, given its electoral support, on the issue agenda of the mainstream parties, pressuring them to ‘take up’ the issues of this niche party and engaging them in a competitive struggle to address women's issues in politics. The results indicate that we should look more closely at women's parties as a tactical choice of social movements to enhance women's representation and encourage public discourse about gender and power.

Tea Party Women: Why They Join and Why They Matter

Tea Party Women: Why They Join and Why They Matter

The Women's Party of Great Britain (1917–1919): a forgotten episode in British women's political history

ABSTRACTThis article discusses the Women's Party, founded by Emmeline and Christabel Pankhurst in November 1917 at a time when Britain was still fighting in World War One. It examines the origins and aims of the Women's Party which, with the slogan ‘Victory, National Security and Progress’, conflated the winning of the war with the women's cause. It is contended that global politics on the world stage as well as local politics at home shaped the agenda of the Women's Party in many differing ways.