Women's Networks Research Articles

A Multilevel Analysis of Social Network Characteristics and Technology Use on HIV Risk and Protective Behaviors Among Transgender Women.

This study examined the empirical structure (i.e., size, density, duration) of transgender women's social networks and estimated how network alters' perceived HIV risk/protective behaviors influenced transgender women's own HIV risk/protective behaviors. From July 2015 to September 2016, 271 transgender women completed surveys on sociodemographic characteristics, HIV risk/protective behaviors, and social networks. Hierarchical generalized linear models examined the associations of social network alter member data 'nested' within participant data. Analyses revealed that social network factors were associated with HIV risk/protective behaviors, and that the gender identity of the alters (cisgender vs. transgender), and social network sites and technology use patterns ("SNS/tech") moderated these associations. Among network alters with whom the participant communicated via SNS/tech, participants' HIV risk behavior was positively associated with alters' HIV risk behavior (cisgender alters aOR 4.10; transgender alters aOR 5.87). Among cisgender alters (but not transgender alters) with whom the participant communicated via SNS/tech, participants' HIV protective behavior was positively associated with alters' HIV protective behavior (aOR 8.94).

No hay nación para este sexo: la Re(d)pública transatlántica de las Letras: escritoras españolas y latino-americanas (1824–1936) ed. by Pura Fernández

Reviewed by: No hay nación para este sexo: la Re(d)pública transatlántica de las Letras: escritoras españolas y latino-americanas (1824–1936) ed. by Pura Fernández Ronald Briggs TK Pura Fernández, editor. No hay nación para este sexo: la Re(d)pública transatlántica de las Letras: escritoras españolas y latino-americanas (1824–1936). Iberoamericana, 2015, 396 pp. Pura Fernández's new anthology focuses on the women who participated in what Habermas might call the public sphere in the Spanish-speaking world between the end of the Spanish American Wars of Independence and the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. Attuned in equal measure to the degree of agency afforded by the world of letters and the limits placed on that world by economic and political forces beyond its control, the group of 16 essayists assembled here provides an eloquent and well-researched series of investigations into the web of international and transatlantic literary networks that sustained women writers in Spain and Spanish America. Fernández's forcefully written and historically grounded introduction makes clear what is at stake in the project: not just the recovery of unjustly marginalized figures, but the advancement of a networkcentered approach to researching them that takes into account the influence of personal and official relationships on individual texts and careers. It is no accident that the time period covered by this collection roughly corresponds to the development of national literary histories and canons in the Spanish American republics. These histories have tended to serve as vehicles of oblivion and recovery—select clubs from which writers can be exiled and into which they can be rescued. Fernández's collection takes seriously the attempts of women in the Spanish-speaking world to create international networks that would serve as a counter-structure to the national ones that so often excluded them. This network-based approach is not without precedents, and Fernández's introduction acknowledges, among many other precursors, Francesca Denegri's work on Peruvian women intellectuals in the late nineteenth century and Leona S. Martin's 2004 article, "Nation Building, International Travel, and the Construction of the Nineteenth-Century Pan-Hispanic Women's Network." Going beyond the question of oblivion and recovery, Fernández also cites Lynn Hunt's articulation of New Cultural History as a guiding principle, underlining the need to focus on the structures that shape the production of texts. Aesthetics matters, too, in Fernández's analysis, and her introduction takes care to point out the intersections between the practical forces governing publication and distribution and the defining qualities of the literary: what artistic genius means and what sort of reaction a writer should seek to produce in her readers. She argues that the practical and the aesthetic did not exist in parallel isolation and that the notions of literary genius and objectivity developed during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries tended to put women writers at a disadvantage. [End Page 246] The breadth of the collection—16 essays and a substantial introduction covering three continents and two hemispheres—makes it difficult to summarize. Since it would be impossible to discuss every essay in detail, I will offer some reflections on a sampling that reflect the overall high quality of scholarship on display throughout. The collection's geographical and temporal breadth extends to genres of cultural production, too, as the works under consideration range from William Acree's appraisal of the hand-woven divisas carried by nineteenth-century soldiers in Río de la Plata to the role of women writers in the 1910 celebration of the centennial of the Revolución de Mayo analyzed by Javier Lluch-Prats. Networking and its practical and aesthetic implications take center stage in essays by Noël Valis, Akiko Tsuchiya, and María Nelly Goswitz that deal, respectively, with mentorship among romantic writers in Spain and the US, the influence of gender and anti-slavery organizations in the writings of Faustino Sáez de Melgar, and the legacy of real and virtual literary salons. These studies use archival and published materials to reconstruct the literary communities in question and the concrete role they played...

Mother and Sons, Inc.: Martha de Cabanis in Medieval Montpellier by Kathryn L. Reyerson

Reviewed by: Mother and Sons, Inc.: Martha de Cabanis in Medieval Montpellier by Kathryn L. Reyerson Jennifer Lord Reyerson, Kathryn L., Mother and Sons, Inc.: Martha de Cabanis in Medieval Montpellier (The Middle Ages Series), Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018; cloth; pp. 264; 9 b/w illustrations; R.R.P. US $65.00, £54.00; ISBN 9780812249613. This book will be of great interest to scholars interested in practical evidence for women's exercise of agency in the late Middle Ages, and for how women negotiated the limitations placed on them. It is also an illuminating example of how relatively technical primary sources can be synthesized to create a case study of a particular social and economic setting, that of an 'urban merchant family of the 1330s and 1340s' (p. 7). Martha de Cabanis (c. 1295/1300–c. 1348) belonged by birth and marriage to Montpellier's mercantile elite. The early and unexpected death in 1326 of her husband, a mercer, left her with three young sons to provide for and a business to manage. It is precisely because of this that Martha left a much greater documentary trace than would otherwise be expected, with several hundred Cabanis contracts from 1336 to 1342 contained in a single notarial register. In Mother and Sons, Inc., Kathryn Reyerson draws on those records to reconstruct Martha's business and real estate transactions on her sons' behalf as their guardian and eventual business partner, as well as on her own account. As such, this book functions as a companion volume to Reyerson's Women's Networks in Medieval France: Gender [End Page 239] and Community in Montpellier 1300–1350 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), which looked at the life and business dealings of Agnes de Bossones, a contemporary of Martha de Cabanis. Reyerson has specialized in the social and economic history of Mediterranean France in the late Middle Ages, usually taking a localized and particular focus, such as trade, or banking. In Mother and Sons, Inc. she uses Martha's case to consider how far gender constrained women as economic and legal actors but also how women could be mobilized in families' interests. Chapter 1 sets the scene for Martha's life, with an overview of fourteenth-century Montpellier's political situation, layout, population, trade, and economic resources. Chapter 2 deals with Martha's family background and with the kind of childhood, education, and marriage arrangements she was likely to have had. Chapter 3 introduces Martha's husband's family and uses that context to explore how, in the absence of genealogical information, a family's history can be reconstructed through evidence of housing proximity and their business alliances and professional and legal ties. Chapter 4 draws on sources on urban domestic architecture and material culture to reconstruct the Cabanis's likely domestic setting. The notarial corpus that is Reyerson's main source cannot supply much detail about Martha's life beyond business, so chapters 2 to 4 are necessarily more speculative than they would be if Reyerson had also been able to draw, for instance, on letters or family chronicles. Chapters 5 to 8, focused on business, benefit from being able to make detailed use of the notarial records. Chapters 5 and 6 explore the responsibilities that fell to Martha after her husband's death and the legal capacity she had to meet them, in theory and in practice. Widows like Martha enjoyed a privileged status vis-à-vis other women, particularly in southern France, but Reyerson cautions us against taking for granted the 'privilege' of agency for such women (p. 89). She also shows how notarial documents, which capture the interaction of customary and Roman law in practice, offer an excellent guide to a region's 'living law' (p. 87). Chapter 7 gets to grips with the detail of the Cabanis's dealings in silk, linen, and mercery, examining their business strategies such as partnerships and use of credit, and Martha's role in these, especially before her sons could act independently. Chapter 8 covers similar territory but in relation to real estate, and here Martha is more visible as an investor in her own right. The chapter considers the reasons for women's...

Perempuan dalam Kungkungan Budaya Politik Patriarkhis

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.

Magnitude and correlates of postnatal care utilization among reproductive aged women in a rural district in eastern Ethiopia: A cross-sectional study

BackgroundPostnatal care is critical to detect and manage postpartum complications in the early stages as well as to prevent potentially life-threatening health conditions that lead to maternal death. However, postnatal care utilization is persistently low in Ethiopia. The aim of this study is to assess the magnitude and correlates of postnatal care utilization among reproductive aged women in Kersa district, in eastern Ethiopia. MethodsA community based cross-sectional study was conducted in ten randomly selected sub-districts in Kersa district. Respondents were recruited using systematic random sampling techniques. Data were collected by an interviewer-administered questionnaire using iPads. A total of 1206 respondents’ data were considered in the analysis. Frequency and percentage distributions of the variables were performed. Bivariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses were undertaken to identify the predisposing, enabling and need factors associated with postnatal care utilization. An Odds Ratio with 95% confidence interval was used to ascertain the direction and strength of the association. ResultsLess than one in thirteen women attended postnatal care after their last delivery in the study community. The multivariate analysis demonstrated that postnatal care utilization is associated with receiving education on maternal health, best friend's use of maternal care, head of the household, and experience of postpartum complications. Receiving education on maternal health (AOR, 2.32; 95% CI: 1.38, 3.89) and best friend's use of maternal care (AOR, 2.41; 95% CI: 1.39, 4.19) were significant predisposing factors that independently predicted postnatal care utilization. Furthermore, head of the household was a significantly associated enabling factor for postnatal care utilization (AOR, 0.24; 95% CI: 0.07, 0.81). The experience of postpartum complications (AOR, 0.10; 95% CI: 0.05, 0.20) was the only need factor that was associated with postnatal care utilization. ConclusionPostnatal care utilization is extremely low in the study district. Strengthening health education and promotion activities on maternal health, peer education programs within the women's social networks, strengthening women empowerment programs, and women's mobilization to seek postnatal care before the occurrence of complications are essential actions that can improve postnatal care utilization.

Impak Pemikiran Islah dan Tajdid Terhadap Pendidikan Tinggi Wanita Islam di Malaysia Selepas Merdeka

The study aims to identify the development of the Islah and Tajdid movements in Malaya and the impact on Islamic education for women starting at the madrasah level to the high level in the late 20th century. This study discusses the movement of Islah and Tajdid which appeared at the beginning of the 20th century in Malaya and analyzed the influence of thinking on Islamic women's education. This study was conducted using a qualitative study, where all data information from primary and secondary sources was scrutinized and analyzed by taking an inductive approach. The study found that the characters involved in this movement in Malaya since the very beginning of their return from their studies in Egypt have supported the thought of Sheikh Muhammad Abduh and Sheikh Rasyid Ridha in the case of women's education. They wrote and worked on publications through newspapers and magazines that voiced the importance of Muslim women to be given freedom of education to engage in society. In order to realize these thoughts and awareness, they also set up special madrasah for female students in Penang, Melaka and Singapore. The influence of their thinking has led to the awareness of the Malay community with the establishment of madrasah in the states of Kelantan, Kedah, Perlis, and Johor and opened the widest opportunities for female students to receive education. Until the Independence era of Malaya, these madrasah have expanded to whole land of Malay as the efforts and awareness of group of religionist that support the thinking of Islah and Tajdid. In 1952 Malaya Islamic College was established and followed by Yayasan Pengajian Tinggi Islam Kelantan (YPTIK) in 1956 as a result of this group's efforts. Women's students also have the opportunity to pursue higher levels of education until there is an Islamic women's education network between Malaysia, Indonesia and Egypt. At the end of the 20th century, Muslim women had succeeded in occupying various career fields, especially in Islamic education as teachers in schools, as a lecturer at higher learning centers that offering various fields of Islamic studies and as civil servants in government departments.

A qualitative study of women's network social support and facility delivery in rural Ghana.

Similar to many sub-Saharan African countries, maternal mortality in Ghana ranks among the highest (39th) globally. Prior research has demonstrated the impact of social network characteristics on health facility delivery in sub-Saharan Africa. However, in-depth examination of the function of all members in a woman’s network, in providing various types of support for the woman’s pregnancy and related care, is limited. We qualitatively explore how women’s network social support influences facility delivery. Qualitative data came from a mixed methods evaluation of a Maternal and Newborn Health Referral project in Ghana. In 2015 we conducted in-depth interviews with mothers (n = 40) and husbands (n = 20), and 4 focus group interviews with mothers-in-law. Data were analyzed using narrative summaries and thematic coding procedures to first examine women’s network composition during their pregnancy and childbirth experiences. We then compared those who had homebirths versus facility births on how network social support influenced their place of childbirth. Various network members were involved in providing women with social support. We found differences in how informational and instrumental support impacted women’s place of childbirth. Network members of women who had facility delivery mobilized resources to support women’s facility delivery. Among women who had homebirth but their network members advocated for them to have facility delivery, members delayed making arrangements for the women’s facility delivery. Women who had homebirth, and their network members advocated homebirth, received support to give birth at home. Network support for women’s pregnancy-related care affects their place of childbirth. Hence, maternal health interventions must develop strategies to prioritize informational and instrumental support for facility-based pregnancy and delivery care.

Continuous Support for Women During Childbirth: 2017 Cochrane Review Update Key Takeaways.

This contribution reproduces a fact sheet about the current Cochrane systematic review, Continuous Support for Women During Childbirth, summarizing 27 randomized controlled trials of nearly 16,000 women. Having continuous labor support versus none was associated with no harms and impressive benefits, especially when provided by someone in a doula role. Overall, women with continuous support were more likely to have spontaneous vaginal births and shorter labors and less likely to have negative birth experiences, labor pain medication, epidural/spinal analgesia, instrumental vaginal births, cesarean births and low 5-minute Apgar scores. Subgroup analysis found most benefits and greatest effects sizes when continuous support was provided by someone in a doula role versus a member of the hospital staff or the woman's social network.

Forging a Women's United Front: Chinese elite women's networks for national salvation and resistance, 1932–1938

AbstractFocusing on Chinese elite women who gravitated towards national affairs in the pre-war urban sites of eastern China and who migrated to Wuhan after the outbreak of the War of Resistance (1937–1945), this article analyses the emergence, development, and integration of their sociopolitical networks for the purpose of promoting women's participation in national salvation, against a backdrop of the deepening national crisis in the 1930s. I argue that two years before the Second Kuomintang-Chinese Communist Party (KMT-CCP) United Front was officially formed, these elite women, hailing from diverse social and political backgrounds and different professions, had already established their own leadership during the national salvation movement and called for a women's united front. Therefore, rather than being simply political rhetoric enhanced under the auspices of the KMT-CCP alliance, the women's united front served as an important institution with which Chinese elite women identified and through which they empowered themselves at a local and then national level, across and beyond geopolitical boundaries. I conclude that the birth and evolution of this women's united front, which have been neglected in the historiography of China's War of Resistance, are crucial to an understanding of unsettling negotiations, communication, and cooperation between the various forces signed up to the cause of national salvation in the 1930s, and to the interpretation of popular resistance before the war.

The Personal Networks of Women in Canberra

The Personal Networks of Women in Canberra

Method‐Specific Attributes that Influence Choice of Future Contraception Among Married Women in Nairobi's Informal Settlements

Despite an extensive evidence base on contraceptive method choice, it remains uncertain which factors are most influential in predisposing women toward certain methods and against others. This paper addresses this gap in knowledge by making use of rarely‐measured perceptions about specific methods, perceived social network experience of methods, and women's own past experiences using specific methods. We draw on baseline data from the project, “Improving Measurement of Unintended Pregnancy and Unmet Need for Family Planning.” Using conditional logit analysis, we ascertain which perceived method‐specific attributes, including past experience of methods by women themselves and by their friends, predict preferred future contraceptive method among 317 women living in Nairobi slums who are using no method but intend to start in the next 12 months. Results show that satisfaction with past use, positive experience of use by a woman's social network, husband/partner's approval, lack of interference with menses, and perception of safety for long term use were all associated with choice of a future method.

Women's perspectives on home-based care for family members with chronic illness: An Interpretive phenomenology study.

The number of people with chronic illness who need home-based care is increasing globally. Home-based care is socially constructed to be work carried out by women. However, little attention has been paid to the opinions of middle-aged women caring for family members with chronic illness at home. In this study, Thai women's perspectives on home-based care for family members with chronic illness using interpretive phenomenology were identified. Fifteen middle-aged women were interviewed twice, and the data were analyzed using thematic analysis. Four major themes emerged: (i) role obligation; (ii) social life change; (iii) doing good things; and (iv) lack of support. Important findings were that care was considered a woman's duty owing to cultural beliefs. Most participants sacrificed their own needs to care for others, as doing good things is considered an important Buddhist belief. Caring for others decreased women's social networks, but they cared more for their own health. Support with finances, information, workplaces, and care recipients should be provided to women with care responsibilities. These results can help nurses to better understand women's caring roles and the consequences of home-based care that influence woman's health.

PMD122 - Development of A Coordinated Registry Network for Women's Health Technologies

PMD122 - Development of A Coordinated Registry Network for Women's Health Technologies

Women informal workers demand child care: Shifting narratives on women’s economic empowerment in Africa

abstractThe inclusion of a specific Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) target (5.4) addressing women’s and girls’ unequal responsibility for unpaid care work is cited, by feminists and women’s rights organisations, as progress compared to the previous Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Governments are tasked with rolling out public services and social protection measures to reduce the time women spend on domestic chores and taking care of children and other household members. Sub-Saharan Africa is characterised by high female-labour force participation rates with most women working in the informal economy without access to social protection. The lack of basic infrastructure and public services contributes to the already disproportionate share of unpaid care work that has to be done, which impinges on their capacity to earn an income and accrue savings, and also impacts negatively on their health and wellbeing. African governments have taken an ambiguous position on the issue of unpaid care work, with some leaders taking to the stage to support this agenda, while most African leaders and policies tend to privilege traditional family structures of care provision. Yet the experience of women informal workers in Africa’s cities reflects the urgent need for child care due to demographic shifts, and changing family structures amidst rising urbanisation rates.This article will draw on research on women informal workers and child care in urban South Africa and Ghana conducted by the action-research-policy network Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing & Organizing (WIEGO). It will explore how women informal workers’ demands for child care services can shift established narratives on social protection and women’s economic empowerment which all too often fail to see women both as workers and primary care givers. This raises possibilities for women informal workers and their organisations to build regional and global solidarity networks around care and social protection that could inform both the workers’ movement and feminist movements on the continent. As such the SDG target 5.4 may provide one useful avenue for advocacy, but it must be grounded in the lived realities of African women both as workers and carers to be relevant and effective in changing policies.

Women's ILO: Transnational Networks, Global Labour Standards and Gender Equity, 1919 to Present ed. by Eileen Boris, Dorothea Hoehtker, and Susan Zimmermann

Reviewed by: Women's ILO: Transnational Networks, Global Labour Standards and Gender Equity, 1919 to Present ed. by Eileen Boris, Dorothea Hoehtker, and Susan Zimmermann Elizabeth McKillen Eileen Boris, Dorothea Hoehtker, and Susan Zimmermann, eds., Women's ILO: Transnational Networks, Global Labour Standards and Gender Equity, 1919 to Present ( Leiden: Brill 2018) The International Labour Organization (ilo) will celebrate its centennial in 2019. Studies by scholars and ilo functionaries of this long-lived and uniquely structured affiliate of the League of Nations and United Nations abound, but the role of women in shaping its policies has received only sporadic attention. Such neglect is not surprising because, until recently, women have constituted a very small percentage of the members of the ilo governing body, or of the delegates and technical advisors sent by individual nations to the yearly ilo conferences. Yet this edited collection of fourteen essays makes a convincing case that women have played an important role in shaping the ilo's policies toward women workers and in ensuring the ratification and implementation of ilo conventions governing women's work in diverse national contexts. The book is divided into two overlapping sections. The first section primarily considers the role of transnational women's networks in shaping debates and policies within the ilo; the second focuses on the ways in which ilo standards were negotiated and implemented within particular nations, regions, and populations of workers. In an important opening chapter of the first section, Dorothy Sue Cobble explores the neglected role of women in the "origin story" of the ilo. (27) The blueprints for the ilo were first drawn up by the all-male Commission on International Labour Legislation at the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919. Fearful of the growing contagion of Bolshevism and other forms of labour radicalism in the aftermath of World War I, they recommended an innovative tripartite structure for the ilo: the yearly conferences would include national delegations of government, business, and labour representatives, and the governing body would also include representatives from all three groups. These groups were charged with working together to raise labour standards in order to prevent the injustices and poverty that caused social unrest and threatened world peace. A coalition of women's groups visited the commission to voice their concerns and several women's organizations asked that representation for women also be mandated as a component of the tripartite structure of the ilo. Instead, the Commission required only that the ilo's director appoint women to the ilo staff and recommended that national delegations include at least one woman in an advisory position. Of the 40 nations that sent delegations to the founding convention of the ilo in Washington, DC in the autumn of 1919, none appointed a woman as a voting delegate and most included only a few female advisors. The US and British-based Women's Trade Union League, however, responded by staging their own International Congress of Working Women (icww) in Washington, DC at the same time as the ilo convention. Their meeting included over two hundred women from nineteen nations, some of whom were also advisors to their national delegations at the ilo convention. The icww prepared a set of resolutions and policy statements that were then championed by the women advisors at the ilo meeting. The icww recommendations proved particularly important in shaping the ilo's Maternity Convention [End Page 302] to include a far-reaching demand for six weeks paid benefits for women before and after childbirth. icww proposals were also taken into consideration in debates over conventions on child labour and the prohibition of night work for women. Subsequent articles by Françoise Thébaud, Kirsten Scheiwe, and Lucia Artner highlight the way women continued to influence debates over labour standards for women during the interwar period through the no's Correspondence Committee on Women's Work and its dedicated staff members. The Cold War, as Eileen Boris demonstrates, complicated the quest for international labour standards as the no's protective legislation for women came under attack by feminist activists from Communist bloc countries as well as legal equality feminists based in the UN Commission on the Status of Women. Silke Neunsinger...

Marching Grounds: Vietnam War Dissent and America's Activist Tradition

Marching GroundsVietnam War Dissent and America's Activist Tradition Heather Stur (bio) Jessica M. Frazier. Women's Antiwar Diplomacy during the Vietnam War Era. 8 halftones, notes, bibliography, index, 236 pp. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017). Cloth $80.00, paper $29.95. David L. Parsons. Dangerous Grounds: Antiwar Coffeehouses and Military Dissent in the Vietnam Era. Notes, bibliography, index, 176 pp. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017). Cloth $29.95. Less than a year into World War I, women from twelve countries gathered at The Hague, Netherlands, to discuss their shared antiwar sentiment and establish an international women's peace movement. Delegates elected Jane Addams, founder of the U.S. Women's Peace Party, to be the first president of the resulting organization, the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. U.S. entry into the war in 1917 and the subsequent military draft fueled antiwar activism among Americans of various stripes, including draft-eligible men. Ben Salmon, a Catholic from Denver, registered for the draft and applied for conscientious objector status on the same day. He was arrested, convicted in both civilian and military courts, and sentenced to death. The military reduced his sentence, and he served time in a military prison, where he staged a hunger strike for more than one hundred days.1 When the war ended, American veterans returning home expected the government to make good on its promise of bonus pay for overseas service. The Great Depression made the reward a necessity, and in 1932, tens of thousands of veterans from all over the country gathered in Washington, D.C. They set up shantytowns, where they vowed to live until federal officials heard their demands. Civilians like Lillie Linebarrier and the members of her "Friendly Bonus Expeditionary Force String Band" joined the Bonus Army in Washington and provided entertainment and moral support to the striking veterans. President Herbert Hoover sent in troops to evict the demonstrators, and with tanks and tear gas, the Army drove World War I veterans from their encampments. Despite its violent ending, the bonus march resulted in government payouts to veterans and established the foundation for the GI Bill.2 In the early [End Page 510] twentieth century, civilian and military Americans expressed their opinions about war, collaborated internationally, and wielded the power of protest to get the government's attention. In two engagingly written books, historians Jessica Frazier and David Parsons examine how these traditions played out during the Vietnam War era. Frazier recounts the experiences of antiwar American women who collaborated with North Vietnamese and NLF women in international networks to oppose the conflict in Vietnam. Cultural imperialism might have tainted a relationship between Western and Third World women, but Frazier argues that Vietnamese women had the upper hand as they showed their Western counterparts, seemingly with ease, how to negotiate the alleged contradictions between maternalism and feminism. While Frazier's women are out in the global political sphere, Parsons's subjects, antiwar male GIs and veterans, are back on the home front, finding an outlet for their frustrations about Vietnam in GI coffeehouses. The central message of Parsons's story is that coffeehouses provided the necessary physical space to bring antiwar GIs, veterans, and civilians together to transform their shared ideas about the war and the U.S. military into action. Both authors claim to challenge conventional wisdom—Frazier on the power balance in international women's networks, Parsons on the relationship between antiwar civilians and U.S. soldiers—about the Vietnam War era. Frazier's story follows the common chronological development of American women's Cold War-era activism. Maternalism was central to organizations such as Women Strike for Peace (WSP), which began in the early Sixties as an anti-nuclear movement. Arguing from their positions as mothers allowed WSP members to stare down the prying eye of the House Un-American Activities Committee, which saw communists in any group that questioned the Defense Department. It was a maternal responsibility to protect children, WSP representatives testified before Congress, and so mothers were only doing their duty by opposing weapons of mass destruction. By mid-decade, the war in Vietnam had...

Kitchens and Kettles: Domestic Spaces, Ordinary Things, and Female Networks in Irish Abortion History, 1922–1949

This article explores the material culture of abortion in Ireland, North and South, from 1922 to 1949. Focusing on spaces and things, it demonstrates the continuing importance of Irish women's domestic health care traditions and networks even during decades of enormous political, economic, and cultural change. By using ordinary household items in their abortion attempts, Irish women made their homes sites of medical care and ensured that women's roles as health care givers persisted. These women's determination to manage their reproductive health care mirrors the efforts of other European women in similar circumstances, suggesting that Irish sexual and reproductive health history should be placed in a broader comparative context.

Bringing the Revolution Home: Filipino Urban Poor Women, "Neoliberal Imperial Feminisms," and a Social Movements Approach to Domestic Abuse

Urban poor women in Metro Manila, Philippines, have developed social movement strategies toward domestic abuse. I consider how these synergize with and diverge from U.S. women of color feminist calls for "community accountability." "Survivor-organizers" in the women's federation GABRIELA influence place-based social networks to shift power relations, while organizing whole communities into a broader Left movement. I argue that their community organizing principles and survivor-centered ethics have served as vehicles to transcend carceral remedies. Entangling reformist, prefigurative, and revolutionary politics, they contradictorily invoke (and reify) carceral feminist logics and legal reforms—yet have fostered transformations that surpass possibilities offered by what I call "neoliberal imperial feminist" frameworks for punitive state action. I propose a protest politics grounded in how GABRIELA's and U.S. feminist of color political traditions speak to and expand upon one another.

Our Path: Empower Maine Women Network and Leadership

On March 24, 2018, the women of the Empower Network sat down to discuss the concept of leadership and their definition of what makes a leader. They were asked to reflect on the idea of empowerment and specifi­cally tie empowerment to kindness, suffrage, and toler­ance. This article excerpts their discussion and demonstrates how the Empower Network relates to their definition of leadership.

SOCIAL NETWORKS AND NORTHERN IROQUOIAN CONFEDERACY DYNAMICS

The Wendat (Huron) and Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) confederacies of northeastern North America are often presented as functionally equivalent political formations despite their having distinct cultural traits and unique geopolitical and developmental histories. In this article we employ social network analysis of collar decoration on ceramic vessels both to examine organizational differences in the social network that composed each group and to evaluate women's participation in political activities as potters who produced and transmitted social and political signals. The concept of social capital and the dimensions along which it varies are employed to understand variability in network statistics and topologies. Our results indicate that the Wendat confederacy formed a “complete” network characterized by bonding ties of social capital, whereas the Haudenosaunee confederacy was a “coalitional” network characterized by bridging ties. The results suggest that women's signaling networks were integral to how each confederacy functioned and the norms of reciprocity, trust, and information-sharing that defined each political formation.