The Bestamak burial ground is located in the center of the Turgai trough, which connects the West Siberian and Turanian plains. The data obtained during its study suggests that of all prehistoric sites, closest to Bestamak is the well-known Sintashta largest burial ground (Sintashta mogila; SM). The analysis of combinations of ver-sions of artifacts in the graves of the burial ground shows that the community that formed it developed peacefully without major cataclysms over the lifetime of three generations of leaders. This gives us an opportunity of trying to reconstruct the social aspects of its functioning. This article represents such an attempt. The social heterogeneity of the community can be seen starting from the peculiarities of the burial structures. Some of the members were buried on a special ritual-sacrificial slot of the burial ground, without a moat. Unfortunately, it is unclear whether they formed a separate group during their lifetime or whether the selection was carried out as the moment arose. At the same time, the property qualification was not in effect, and the attempt to exclude the most able-bodied age group can be observed. The latter suggests not a random, but rather purposeful selection of candidates for a spe-cial burial. The absolute predominance of axe-adzes and quiver sets of arrows in male burials demonstrates the leading role of men in the most important aspects that ensured the very possibility of the existence of the commu-nity. The main tools of women's labor (knife, needle and piercer) show that a significant proportion of their activi-ties was sewing, and normally their production-household work was taking place within the settlement. However, in two female burials (graves 10 and 51) quiver sets of arrows were found, and in two (graves 51 and 111) axe-adzes. These findings demonstrate the possibility of involvement of women in almost all aspects of functioning of the community and, accordingly, allow us to assume their rather high social status. Two main social strata can be observed within the community. Elite burials are often marked by a pair of intact horse skeletons placed above the burial chamber. These are considered to be an important feature of the “chariot complex”. Since in our case pairs of horses were found not only in single male burials, but also in single female ones (graves 26 and 35), as well as in the burials of adults with children (graves 20 and 170), it appears we are dealing not just with charioteers them-selves, but rather with the elite (“equestrian”) segment of the community, whose representatives had the right and opportunity to use chariots. Ordinary community members (“shepherds”) did not have the right for a chariot, moreover, their burials did not contain a horse sacrifice. They dealt with small and large cattle in the meantime providing for the needs of the “equestrian” ones. The elite supplied ge-neral civil (sign of a mace), military (sign of a battle ax), and ritual-sacred (sign of a sickle) leaders, as well as those in metal production (sign of a blower nozzle). In the ritual-sacred sphere, it was sometimes possible for a woman to perform the functions of a leader. Initially, in each of these areas, the leaders were separate. At some stage of the development of the community, this changed. In burial 140, the deceased is accompanied by a pair of horses, a chariot, a mace, a battle axe, sickles, other metal items (15), a quiver set of arrows, etc. It appears that during his lifetime he possessed the fullness of civil, military and ritual-sacred power, which was supported by the ability to operate significant, on a community scale, material resources. There is a reason to believe that property differentiation was interconnected with the hierarchy system. The “equestrian” members clearly had the opportunity to consume a larger share of the social product than the “shepherds”.
Read full abstract
Aug 20, 2024
Yu Shen + 2
Open Access