Within leisure literature, a growing body of research is addressing relationship between gender and leisure. This research has focused on understanding meaning of leisure within context of women's lives, constraints encountered by women during their leisure, and importance of women's leisure to their quality of life (cf. Bella, 1989; Deem, 1986; Dixey, 1987; Green, Hebron, & Woodward, 1990; Henderson, 1990; Lenskyj, 1988; Wearing & Wearing, 1988). While some attention has been given to leisure from a life course or life span perspective, little research has examined how changing role demands affect leisure or if and how women in varying life situations perceive changes in leisure and family across life span (Henderson, Bialeschki, Shaw, & Freysinger, 1989).The purpose of this study was to explore relationship between leisure and motherhood from a psychosocial perspective that focused on life course/life span and family life stage. Feminism was used as organizing framework for symbolic interactionist approach to this research.BACKGROUNDFeminism is used as a guiding framework because it can provide alternative view points and data for substantiating those views, can provide broader interpretations of meanings from analyses, can correct biases that have existed, and can provide different ways to study questions about gender and leisure (Bella, 1989; Deem, 1986; Eichler, 1980; Harding, 1986; Henderson & Bialeschki, 1992). As feminist researchers have suggested (Dixey, 1987; Henderson, 1990; Wimbush & Talbot, 1988), an analysis of women's roles in society must be undertaken before women's leisure can be understood. Such an analysis of roles related to motherhood will begin processes of critique, correction, and transformation of way that mothers are viewed within leisure contexts.When feminist perspectives have been applied to family, two major contributions to a revised perception of social construct of family have been noted. First, feminist critique of family has examined historical construction of motherhood within a patriarchal structure (Chodorow, 1978; French, 1985; Lopata & Barnewolt, 1984; Skolnick, 1991; Wearing, 1990). These analyses have provided a non-biological explanation for ascribed gender roles relegated to women during motherhood that presume innate characteristic and universal qualities of nurturance, self-sacrifice, and narrowness of focus. These roles have also relegated women who are mothers to private sphere of home where associated responsibilities have been viewed as less demanding, less valued, and named as women's work (Bridenthal, 1982; Chodorow, 1978; French, 1985; Haas, 1985; Thorne, 1982; Wearing, 1990; Whitson & MacIntosh, 1989). The result has been for twentieth century women who are wives and mothers to center almost exclusively on home roles of physical and emotional care of husband and children and home maintenance rather than on past historical focuses of kin, community, and occupational involvement (Lopata & Barnewolt, 1984).Second, feminist research has encouraged a view of women as individuals within family rather than as mere components of or anchors to social structure of family. Women can be viewed as persons involved in familial and non-familial activities, just as men routinely have been perceived (Bridenthal, 1982). For example, feminist research has challenged myths and misconceptions embodied in fantasy of perfect mother (Bridenthal, 1982; Chodorow & Contratto, 1982) where mother becomes equated with family. As stated by Thorne (1982):Feminists argue that specifics of daily family living (the allocation of tasks, experiences of work and leisure) can not be adequately understood without systematic attention to underlying structures of gender and age. Women's experiences of family have been buried by use of overarching, homogeneous units of analysis such as the household and the family; by a tendency to equate women and family, while men are allowed a separate and individualized status; and by hegemony of male experience of families. …