Women's Clubs Research Articles

My Life and an Era The Autobiography of Buck Colbert Franklin (review)

My Life and an Era The Autobiography of Buck Colbert Eranklin Edited by John Hope Franklin and John Whittington Franklin Louisiana State University Press, 1997 288 pp. Cloth, $29.95 Here is a powerful story that transcends mere description of the author's era. It probes deeply the moral and philosophical aspects of cultural relationships among various peoples, the responsibility of government to ensure safety and justice, and what it means to be human in a supposedly democratic society built upon a Judeo-Christian ethic. Buck Colbert Franklin's autobiography joins those of Ada Lois Sipuel, who integrated the Oklahoma University law school in 1948, civil rights activist Clara Luper, and novelist Ralph Ellison in offering its insight into the role black Oklahomans played in the formation of the state and in social reform. Born in 1879 to David and Milley Franklin, Buck Colbert Franklin lived to witness the emergence of Oklahoma from its territorial stage to statehood. For over five decades he watched carefully the events that led to entrenched segregation and, ultimately, to its fall with the 1954 Brown decision. Although he never completed his college work, young Franklin attended Roger Williams College in Nashville and Atlanta Baptist College (now Morehouse College) before returning to Oklahoma where he passed the bar. As an attorney and active community member with national contacts, Franklin occupied a strategic position from which to observe state and national history as it unfolded. He met the great and near-great within the African American society of his time, and his story strengthens and authenticates much of what we know about the plight of African Americans. This autobiography, though, is more than a thoughtful commentary on heritage and the challenges to black existence in a society that limited opportunities and access to political, social, and economic power. The author's discussion of the family values that characterized his upbringing tells us much about the inner life of the black community and other institutional structures in Oklahoma during his era. Although close to his mother, a teacher who was part Choctaw, Franklin enjoyed an even stronger tie to his father, who died during the young man's college years. One senses the closeness between father and son as David Franklin tries to shelter his offspring from the harshness of discrimination and when he protects him from frontier dangers as the two make a long journey from southern Oklahoma to what is now the western part of the state. Later, Buck Colbert Franklin shows the same devotion to his four children -- B. C. Jr., Mozzella, Anne, and John Hope. The author's wife, Mollie, played a central role in his life and in the black community. Readers interested in women's history will profit from the attention Franklin has given his spouse and her activities. A community-minded person, Mollie Parker Franklin created the first day nursery for black children in Tulsa, after the family moved there from the all-black town of Rentiesville. With a deep concern for young people, she worked to get employment for black youths in local businesses that had not previously employed them. For a time she also served as the national recording secretary of the Colored Women's Clubs and enjoyed a close relationship with one of its presidents, Mary F. Waring, who visited with the Franklins during her visits to the state. Religion also occupies a prominent place in Franklin's work. A church-going man of deep spiritual conviction, he nonetheless had little regard for narrow denominationalism. He saw firsthand how an iron-clad commitment to a particular faith divided the community of Rentiesville, to which he and his family had moved after leaving Ardmore, Oklahoma, where he had practiced law. Although specific circumstances played an important role in his liberalism, Franklin's attitude arose fundamentally from the teachings of his parents, especially his father, who didn't care a hoot for denominations. …

African American Contributions to Composition Studies

American intellectual and rhetorical traditions. Free Black churches, culturally specific jeremiads, slave narratives, secret schools, Black women's clubs, and Black colleges all represent an enriching merger of African American intellectual and activist concerns with writing instruction initiatives. I do not have space here to catalog the entire effort, though I do hope to spur some impassioned archival research. Nor do I suggest that African American composition activity has been uniform in its import. Undoubtedly, as has been the case in the field at large, there has been contestation, even personal contradictions, concerning purposes and goals. There have been, for example, numerous African American scholars and educators with back-to-basics, skill-and-drill, and eradicationist tendencies. I reference those outlooks to some degree in the following pages, but my bias lies elsewhere. My primary intention is to trace a line of thought from early rhetors and scholars to contemporary researchers, thinkers, and practitioners that both emphasizes critical pedagogy and values Black culture, especially its vernacular language. This is the strand of thinking that I find most attractive and persuasive because I view it, as I have argued in more detail elsewhere, to be the thinking most consistent with the need to produce critical and astute African American students. So of course I am slipping in the argument that the best and most informed African American intellects of the past two

McCarthyism Revisited: TRB's Story

Introduction On February 9, 1950, Republican Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin delivered a Lincoln Day speech before Ohio County Republican Women's Club in Wheeling, West Virginia. The exact number of Communists junior senator from Wisconsin claimed were in State Department was subject of great debate during next four years and beyond.1 The idea that U.S. government may have large numbers of card-carrying Communists in State Department turned up heat in a Cold War that previously had been fueled by events such as conviction of alleged spy Alger Hiss for perjury and U.S. policy toward China (Griffith 44-45). When McCarthy delivered his speech, Richard L. Strout was in his seventh year as New Republic's Wire or columnist, as well as his twenty-fifth year as a Washington correspondent for Christian Science Monitor.2 One of steadiest hands and minds in American is what Herbert Mitgang wrote in New York Times Magazine (Mitgang 63), while Dwight Jensen wrote, in Biographical Dictionary of American Journalists, that Strout was one of those rare reporters who became idolized by their colleagues during their (McKerns 681). The New Republic and Christian Science Monitor were main publications Strout wrote for during his lengthy career, but his work also appeared in New York Times Magazine, Nation, North American Review, Reader's Digest, and Saturday Review. He won many national awards and received a special Pulitzer citation for lifetime achievement in journalism. Strout was a significant Washington, D.C., journalist. Many historians have placed heavy blame on press for McCarthy's nearly five-year reign. James Boylan wrote that elite of Washington press corps failed to meet test in basic journalistic sense of offering an account that could stand even rough historical scrutiny (Boylan 31). David M. Oshinsky hinted that besides some notable exceptions the press was quite fond of while biographer Fred J. Cook asserted that generally speaking McCarthy's charges would make headlines on front page while denial would not (Oshinsky 188, Cook 178). Other historians have been kinder to press. Richard H. Rovere documented a large segment of most powerful of press that was always hostile to McCarthy, and Edwin R. Bayley contended that reporting of McCarthy in press was no less thorough than press covering Watergate, but one difference was that people in early 1950s did not care (Rovere 269, Bayley 216). Regardless of general comments pro and con about press coverage of McCarthy and any previous research, documenting Strout's struggle against McCarthyism, both publicly and privately, adds to understanding of broad effects of McCarthy era. Strout's writings in New Republic and Christian Science Monitor, and his personal thoughts revealed in his communications with Monitor management and letters to his family, provide another eyewitness account of a troubling era in U.S. history. Additionally, complications arising from doublelife Strout led as anonymous TRB and working for conservative Monitor are intriguing if not enlightening about pressures on reporters during McCarthy era. This study, like Daniel Pfaff's research into dynamics between Joseph Pulitzer II and two of his top editors at St. Louis PostDispatch during McCarthy era, qualifies as a study of freedom and equity in journalism because of what it reveals about of news editorial policy making in one of country's most important daily newspapers (Pfaff 53). Of course difference between Pfaff's approach and this study is that inner workings and policies of Monitor collide with Strout's outside writings as TRB. This study also has similarities with Karen S. …

Gender, race, and politics in the Midwest: black club women in Illinois

Gender, race, and politics in the Midwest: black club women in Illinois

Recovering the work of American clubwomen

OVERRIDING PRESIDENT WILSON'S VETO, CONGRESS PASSED AN IMMIGRATION bill in 1917 that was the first to link literacy with immigration. While exempting the wives, mothers, grandmothers, and daughters, as well as fathers or grandfathers over age fifty-five of 'admissible aliens,' the bill excluded 'all aliens over sixteen years of age, physically capable of reading, who can not read the English language, or some other language or dialect, including Hebrew or Yiddish' (20). By defining literacy as a solitary achievement of reading and not writing and by gendering it as a male activity, the bill, argues Anne Ruggles Gere in Intimate Practices, encouraged immigrants to comply with national norms of individualism, patriarchy, and deference to authority. Women's clubs, by contrast, encouraged women to write as well as to read in intimate communities that created greater agency for members on issues of public debate.1 When members of a working women's club in New York determined that most New Yorkers thought working girls stupid, they proposed to write and

Intimate Practices: Literacy and Cultural Work in U.S. Women's Clubs, 1880- 1920.

Journal Article Intimate Practices: Literacy and Cultural Work in U.S. Women's Clubs, 1880–1920. By Anne Ruggles Gere. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997. xiv, 367 pp. Cloth, $42.50, ISBN 0-252-02301-3. Paper, $18.95, ISBN 0-252-06604-9.) Get access Tamara Plakins Thornton Tamara Plakins Thornton State University of New York, Buffalo, New York Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 85, Issue 4, March 1999, Page 1620, https://doi.org/10.2307/2568348 Published: 01 March 1999

The Arm of the School that Extends into the Homes: The Visiting Teacher Movement, 1906 to 1940

This article traces the development of the visiting teacher movement, from 1906 to 1940, with particular attention paid to the disjuncture between professional discourse and actual practices. Three main points are argued. First, early visiting teacher work drew from multiple sources, including social settlements, juvenile courts, private philanthropies, and women's clubs. The discussion of the origins of visiting teachers in multiple urban settings attested to the diversity of their work in communities and in schools. Second, most visiting teachers’ work remained essentially unchanged, despite their later participation in child guidance clinics. Even though visiting teachers worked in conjunction with psychiatrists and psychologists, their practices still relied upon traditional approaches used in the first part of the century. Third, the medical and psychiatric discourses surrounding visiting teacher work in the 1920s and 1930s assumed a powerful life of its own. In a most curious manner, these languages formed a critique of teachers’ social relations with students and of their classroom practices generally. Subsequently, many teacher education programs initiated mental hygiene and psychology courses for their student teachers. The article concludes with lessons educators and policy makers might take from the visiting teacher movement, especially those related to the current school-linked social services model.

From Travel Writer to Newspaper Editor: Caroline Churchill and the Development of Her Political Ideology within the Public Sphere

Travel writer Caroline Churchill's newspaper, the Colorado Antelope, which later became the Queen Bee, emerged in the early 1880s at precisely the same moment that Denver women first began to form study clubs and reform associations. The emergence of these clubs, along with Churchill's newspaper, represented Colorado women's first attempts at creating a place for themselves within the public sphere, yet the ideologies maintained by Churchill and the clubwomen to defend this entrance into the public arena could not have been more different.' Churchill's denunciation of the ideology of separate spheres within the pages of her newspaper represented a stark contrast to the dominant domestic ideology maintained by the new women's clubs. As early as 1877, suffragists in the state had entered the public arena in an attempt to bring a suffrage amendment to Colorado, but it was not until 1881 that women's literary clubs such as the Denver Fortnightly and the Monday Literary Club emerged to bring a significant number of women out of the home

Intimate Practices: Literacy and Cultural Work in U. S. Women's Clubs, 1880-1920

Journal Article Intimate Practices: Literacy and Cultural Work in U. S. Women's Clubs, 1880–1920 Get access Intimate Practices: Literacy and Cultural Work in U. S. Women's Clubs, 1880–1920. By Gere Anne Ruggles. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997. xii + 367 pp. Notes, index. $42.50, cloth; $18.95, paper.) Carolyn J. Stefanco Carolyn J. Stefanco California Polytechnic State University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Western Historical Quarterly, Volume 30, Issue 4, Winter 1999, Pages 531–532, https://doi.org/10.2307/971450 Published: 01 November 1999

From Reading Shakespeare to Reforming Burlesque: The Minneapolis Woman's Club and the Women's Welfare League, 1907-1920

From Reading Shakespeare to Reforming Burlesque: The Minneapolis Woman's Club and the Women's Welfare League, 1907-1920

The Arm of the School that Extends into the Homes: The Visiting Teacher Movement, 1906 to 1940

This article traces the development of the visiting teacher movement, from 1906 to 1940, with particular attention paid to the disjuncture between professional discourse and actual practices. Three main points are argued. First, early visiting teacher work drew from multiple sources, including social settlements, juvenile courts, private philanthropies, and women's clubs. The discussion of the origins of visiting teachers in multiple urban settings attested to the diversity of their work in communities and in schools. Second, most visiting teachers’ work remained essentially unchanged, despite their later participation in child guidance clinics. Even though visiting teachers worked in conjunction with psychiatrists and psychologists, their practices still relied upon traditional approaches used in the first part of the century. Third, the medical and psychiatric discourses surrounding visiting teacher work in the 1920s and 1930s assumed a powerful life of its own. In a most curious manner, these languages formed a critique of teachers’ social relations with students and of their classroom practices generally. Subsequently, many teacher education programs initiated mental hygiene and psychology courses for their student teachers. The article concludes with lessons educators and policy makers might take from the visiting teacher movement, especially those related to the current school-linked social services model.

„Wir hätten ja gern die ganze Welt beglückt“: Politik und Geschlecht im demokratischen Milieu 1848/49

The construction of the bourgeois gender relations marked the political dimensions of the Revolution of 1848, which was accepted as a common project by contemporary free women and men. The analysis of the complexity of politics requires - in the sense of a new political history - not only the consideration of the socio-economic context, of legal structure contexts, but also of the social milieu and of social relations and life-stories. This article deals with gender-specific ambivalences of democratic politics in 1848 with a special focus on social networks, constituted by male and female activists. This makes clear that in the context of exceptional cases e. g. the revolution in Vienna women were able to cross the boundaries of the inability to participate in institutionalized politics often ascribed to women. The Wiener Demokratische Frauenverein (Viennese democratic women's club) was accepted within the democratic milieu as a equal partner and was integrated in the process of the creation of a central committee of the political clubs, the Zentralausschus der politischen Vereine.

The Arm of the School that Extends into the Homes: The Visiting Teacher Movement, 1906 to 1940

This article traces the development of the visiting teacher movement, from 1906 to 1940, with particular attention paid to the disjuncture between professional discourse and actual practices. Three main points are argued. First, early visiting teacher work drew from multiple sources, including social settlements, juvenile courts, private philanthropies, and women's clubs. The discussion of the origins of visiting teachers in multiple urban settings attested to the diversity of their work in communities and in schools. Second, most visiting teachers’ work remained essentially unchanged, despite their later participation in child guidance clinics. Even though visiting teachers worked in conjunction with psychiatrists and psychologists, their practices still relied upon traditional approaches used in the first part of the century. Third, the medical and psychiatric discourses surrounding visiting teacher work in the 1920s and 1930s assumed a powerful life of its own. In a most curious manner, these languages formed a critique of teachers’ social relations with students and of their classroom practices generally. Subsequently, many teacher education programs initiated mental hygiene and psychology courses for their student teachers. The article concludes with lessons educators and policy makers might take from the visiting teacher movement, especially those related to the current school-linked social services model.

Anne Meis Knupfer. <italic>Toward a Tenderer Humanity and a Nobler Womanhood: African American Women's Clubs in Turn-of-the-Century Chicago</italic>. New York: New York University Press. 1996. Pp. x, 209. Cloth $50.00, paper $18.95 and Anne Ruggles Gere. <italic>Intimate Practices: Literacy and Cultural Work in U.S. Women's Clubs, 1880–1920</italic>. Champaign: University of Illinois Press. 1997. Pp. xii, 367. Cloth $42.50, paper $18.95

Anne Meis Knupfer. <italic>Toward a Tenderer Humanity and a Nobler Womanhood: African American Women's Clubs in Turn-of-the-Century Chicago</italic>. New York: New York University Press. 1996. Pp. x, 209. Cloth $50.00, paper $18.95 and Anne Ruggles Gere. <italic>Intimate Practices: Literacy and Cultural Work in U.S. Women's Clubs, 1880–1920</italic>. Champaign: University of Illinois Press. 1997. Pp. xii, 367. Cloth $42.50, paper $18.95

Gender and Modernity in Transnational Perspective: Hugo Münsterberg and the American Woman

In one of the first and best-known collections of cultural criticism in America,Civilization in the United States(1922), Harold Stearns begins his chapter on “The Intellectual Life” with this widely quoted passage:When Professor Einstein roused the ire of the women's clubs by stating that “women dominate the entire life of America,” and that “there are cities with a million population, but cities suffering from terrible poverty – the poverty of intellectual things,” he was but repeating a criticism of our life now old enough to be almost acliché. Hardly any intelligent foreigner has failed to observe and comment upon the extraordinary feminization of American social life, and oftenest he has coupled this observation with a few biting remarks concerning the intellectual anaemia or torpor that seems to accompany it.

Intimate Practices: Literacy and Cultural Work in U.S. Women's Clubs, 1880-1920

Intimate Practices: Literacy and Cultural Work in U.S. Women's Clubs, 1880-1920

Literacy on the Margins of the American Past

Book reviewed in this article:Literacy, Education, and Society in New Mexico, 1693–1821. By Bernardo P. Gallegos. 1992.“When I Can Read My Title Clear”: Literacy, Slavery, and Religion in the Antebellum South. By Janet Duitsman Cornelius. 1991.Intimate Practices: Literacy and Cultural Work in U.S. Women's Clubs, 1880–1920. By Anne Ruggles Gere. 1997.

Effects of an Intergenerational Choir for Community-Based Seniors and College Students on Age-Related Attitudes.

The purpose of this study was to examine attitudes of college students and senior citizens towards each other by incorporating successful components of a senior citizens' music program into the "Adopt-A-Choir" program established in a university music education/therapy program. Data collection was accomplished using the Age Group Evaluation and Description Inventory (AGED), providing insight into attitudes classified in 4 domains/evaluative scales: Goodness, Positiveness, Vitality, and Maturity. Subjects ware members of the Senior Singers (n = 15, 15) and music education/therapy students enrolled in the Woman's Glee Club at a local university (n = 15, 12). Results of the pre/post AGED survey warn compared using the Wilcoxon Matched Pairs test, with means increasing significantly for the four domains (p <.02). Gains were greatest for the seniors, suggesting a stronger move from negative to positive attitudes. Though the gains were smaller with the university students, all changes were positive, with one exception: in the "vitality" domain, university student attitude ratings decreased on the continuum for "timid-assertive." Informal predictors further suggested the partnership between seniors and university students was enjoyed by both sets of participants.

"Love Me Like I Like to Be": The Sexual Politics of Hurston's Their Eyes were Watching God, the Classic Blues, and the Black Women's Club Movement

Zora Neale Hurston's Their Eyes Were Watching God is a text at once (ac)claimed for its ability to speak to contemporary gender and sexual politics and blamed for its inability to speak to the local, particularized politics of its time. Their Eyes has been used to situate strong, culture-based women at the center of an African American women's literary tradition, on the one hand, and has been read as reinforcing primitivism or as idealizing the folk, on the other.(1) As important as Hurston's critical reception has been, it has mediated against considering her work as politicized in her own historical moment. Just as Claudia Tate notes the invisibility of the politics of early black domestic fiction, I am suggesting that much of the political embeddedness of Hurston's text has been lost. Their Eyes engages in early twentieth-century black feminist politics. To develop a context for the sexual politics of earlier writers, critics and historians have turned to the discourses of the black women's club movement, which had its origins in the antilynching campaign, and the classic blues, sung and written in large part by African American women. Pauline Hopkins and Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, in particular, have been read as engaged in the political debates of the black women's club movement, as have Hurston's contemporaries Nella Larsen, Angelina Weld Grimke, and, obliquely, Jessie Fauset (Tate; Carby, Reconstructing; McDowell, 'Nameless' 142).(2) Unaccountably, Hurston has been left out of this investigation, even though Their Eyes clearly took shape within a broad continuum of African American women's writing on sexuality early in this century.(3) Hurston's biography supports such historical contextualization of her work. She worked for Mary McLeod Bethune just before Bethune founded the National Council of Negro Women in 1935 and traveled in the same circles as Alice Dunbar Nelson, an officer in the Federation of Colored Women's Clubs (Hemenway 19; Hull 90, 166). In addition, the discourse of the anti-lynching campaign must have been particularly visible to a student at Howard just before and during the push for the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill in 1922.(4) Hurston was also an authority on African American folk music, assisting Alan Lomax in his collecting and recording for the Music Division of the Library of Congress in 1935 (Hemenway 211). Although Hazel Carby has read Hurston as opposed to urban or commercialized versions of the blues (Politics 75), her relationship to them was complex. Hurston was a friend of Ethel Waters, for example, and attempted to sell her a song on at least one occasion (Hemenway 207, 284). On a trip with Langston Hughes, she stayed with Bessie Smith (106) and was quite familiar with Harlem cabarets as well as the Southern tent-show and vaudeville tradition which showcased classic blues singers (26-27). In fact, she once joined a traveling theatrical troupe as a wardrobe girl (17).(5) It is my contention that Hurston has been left out of this debate primarily because her text disrupts neat dichotomies between respectability and desire, middle- and working-class discourses, and club and blues women. Their Eyes alludes to the politics of rape and lynching, as I discuss in detail below, by first charging Janie with sexual misconduct and then by exonerating her, primarily in the trial scene. However, Their Eyes does not reject charges of African American women's libidinousness at the expense of sexual expression, as literary critics have argued of other texts from this period. Critics like Carby and Deborah McDowell have generally read African American women's literature during the Harlem Renaissance as replicating the middle-class conservatism of club discourse and as opposing or suppressing the liberatory sexual discourse of the blues.(6) Hurston's text doesn't fit this critical bifurcation. Historians, too, claim that club and blues discourses existed to some extent in opposition to one another. …

The Apprehension of the South in Modern Culture

When I went to the University of Cambridge as an undergraduate in 1966, the South was deemed there to be a very minor part of the puzzle of American culture. American literature was Henry James, Melville, Emerson, Hemingway, Fitzgerald, but mostly Henry James of southern authors only Faulkner had a significant hearing, though he was seen as a steamy exoticism, a sort of Henri Rousseau with a knowledge of the sexual utility of corncobs, not as one of the foremost modernists. As for history, the South was relevant to understanding the coming of the Civil War, as a problem to be deprecated, but little more. American history was told as a succession of whiggish reform movements, of Jeffersonian and Jacksonian democracy, of Populism, Progressivism, and the Deal. The South did not fit in, except as the occasional obstacle. To be interested in the South then was to be against the grain. Matters are very different now, not only in Cambridge but elsewhere in even in Japan. The existence of the Southern Studies Forum as a branch of the European Association of American Studies--as far as I know, the only affiliation of that association devoted to a component part or aspect of American culture--is testimony to a growth of interest, evidenced by four conferences and three volumes of proceedings.(1) There are scholars in Odense who write about Walker Percy, in Berlin who concern themselves with John Esten Cooke, in Vienna who read Flannery O'Connor, in Genoa who are experts on women's clubs in Charleston, in Newcastle who do the history of rhythm and blues, in Australia who write on southern Baptists. When I was in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, in November of 1997, a whole conference of Japanese scholars had descended upon the place. In the summer of 1998, there was a meeting at the University of Warwick tided New Orleans in Europe, with no less than thirty speakers. What is going on? Of course, much is explicable by the powerful cultural position of the United States in the postwar world, the more so since the collapse of the Soviet alternative. Self-evidently, the world grows crowded with American popular and high culture. Coca-Cola, Levi jeans, baseball caps, T-shirts, CNN, Elvis, Duke Ellington, Bill Gates, all these are familiar almost everywhere. This influence has deepened in the last twenty years. In 1973 my wife and I caught a bus in the eastern part of Crete, in the Lasithi region beyond Sitia and towards Kato Zakros. Behind us a small girl sat down, evidently on her way to school. She looked on us with wonder, as though we had come from another world, as indeed we had. With kindness towards strangers, she offered a part of the food she had for her lunch, and we, awkwardly and mutely, accepted it. I find it hard to imagine such a scene happening now, for the child would probably be wearing an outfit emblazoned with a Chicago Bulls logo. The ancient condescensions of European culture have perceptibly weakened. I do not mean that Parisian intellectuals have swapped their Haut-Medoc for Dr Pepper. I do mean that the presence of American culture in the formative years of European intellectuals has made it natural to take seriously interpreters of America who make that culture intelligible because they help to explain not only what America is, but what Europe is. For American culture is part of the fabric of European culture in ways that it was not in the nineteenth century, or far less so. That intermingling is, no doubt, deeply contentious, but it is at least arguable that American culture is now very close to being central to world culture and many--whether scientists, philosophers, historians, musicians, or literary critics -- whether they admit to it or not, behave as though the United States were pivotal. And this occurs despite the fact that both sides are somewhat in denial about the phenomenon: the world for its old anti-American instincts, America because so much of its eschatology is founded upon a sense of being at the end of things, of time and space, not in the middle of things. …