Recruitment Of Women Research Articles

THE SHAPING OF ACTIVIST RECRUITMENT AND PARTICIPATION

This article focuses on the ways gendered experiences varied by race with regard to women's recruitment and participation in the civil rights movement of Mississippi. The author analyzes 13 interviews with both African American and white women who were connected to the movement. By privileging the voices of movement actors, this study begins to illuminate the ways recruitment and participation varied by race. Three types of women's participation are distinguished: (1) high-risk activism, (2) low-risk institutional, and (3) activist mothering and “women's work.” Explanations for these different forms of participation are found in examining two primary patterns of recruitment.

Women's Recruitment Concludes

Women's Recruitment Concludes

Women's Recruitment Concludes

Women's Recruitment Concludes

Special Elections and the Growth of Women's Representation in the U.S. House of Representatives

High incumbency return rates slow the pace at which underrepresented groups can increase their ratio of membership in the U.S. House of Representatives. We document the fact that the special election process provides an important source of congressional turnover which is particularly advantageous to women seeking to win election to the House. In fact, we document that over one-third of all women entering the House during the decade studied entered through special elections. If women are to increase their proportion in the House of Representatives, either the size of the House needs to be increased or seates held by men must be replaced with seats held by women. As there is little chance that the size of the House will increase, women will have to replace men. This is, of course, happening, but at a very slow rate. Though many factors affect women's recruitment into the House, part of the problem is that incumbents, currently 89.2% men, seem to turn over at a very slow rate. In the 1988 election (a high point for incumbent return rates), only 7.6% of the Congress was new. Retention, it is argued, creates few opportunities for women, and other underrepresented groups, to enter Congress. However, conclusions about the relationship between turnover and the election of women based on biannual elections alone are incomplete because such explanations do not account for the influence of special elections.

Recruitment of Women into Research Studies: A Nursing Perspective

RESEARCH TRIALS HAVE historically underrepresented women, especially women of ethnic minority and lower socioeconomic groups. Although these populations of women are disproportionately afflicted with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), HIV studies have followed this pattern of underrepresentation. Nurses working in HIV research have developed a women-centered recruitment strategy that has been successful in enrolling women in clinical trials and epidemiological studies. Reasons for women's lack of inclusion and components of a strategy to remedy the situation are discussed.

Women and Missions: Past and Present, Anthropological and Historical Perceptions

F. Bowie, Introduction: Reclaiming Women's Presence - Part I: Women Missionaries - D. Kirkwood, Protestant Missionary Women: Wives and Spinsters - P. Williams, The 'Missing Link': The Recruitment of Women Missionaries in Some English Evangelical Missionary Societies in the Nineteenth Century - C. Swaisland, Wanted: Earnest, Self-Sacrificing Women for Service in South Africa: Nineteenth-Century Recruitment of Single Women to Protestant Missions - V. Cunningham, 'God and Nature Intended You for a Missionary's Wife': Mary Hill, Jane Eyre and Other Missionary Women in the 1840s - Part II: Mission Impact on Women - A. Hastings, Were Women a Special Case? - M. Lapodi, From Heathen Kraal to Christian Home: Anglican Mission Education and African Christian Girls, 1850-1900 - F. Bowie, The Elusive Christian Family: Missionary Attempts to Define Women's Roles: Case Studies from Cameroon - T. Kanogo, Mission Impact on Women in Colonial Kenya - A. Basu, Mary Ann Cooke to Mother Teresa: Christian Missionary Women and Indian Response - E. Isichei, Does Christianity Empower Women? The Case of the Anaguta of Central Nigeria - S. Lund Skar, Catholic Missionaries and Andean Women: Mismatching Views on Gender and Creation - J. Burke, These Catholic Sisters Are All Mamas! Celibacy and the Metaphor of Maternity

The Campaign for the Recruitment of Women as Police Officers

The Campaign for the Recruitment of Women as Police Officers

The Recruitment of Women to Cabinet and Subcabinet Posts

The Recruitment of Women to Cabinet and Subcabinet Posts

The Recruitment of Women to Cabinet and Subcabinet Posts

The Recruitment of Women to Cabinet and Subcabinet Posts

Veterans' Preference: A Barrier to the Recruitment of Women?

The author reports results from a study to ascertain whether or not the Veterans' Readjustment Program presented a barrier to the recruitment of women at the U.S. Army Missile Command.

Affirmative Action and City Managers: Attitudes toward Recruitment of Women

Historical and contemporary patterns of recruiting women into the management of the local public sector generally parallel the patterns of blacks and members of other minority groups. Recent advances in the recruitment of women can be attributed in part to the passage of the 1972 Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) Act and its primary instrument of implementation, affirmative action. Equal employment opportunity means having a setting where discriminatory hiring practices are nonexistent. Affirmative action refers to special and exceptional efforts on the part of the public manager to rectify the results of current and previous discriminatory practices and, ultimately, to ensure equal employment opportunity. Since the 1972 enactment, affirmative action has been the primary mechanism for the development of a representative bureaucracy at the local level. While change is evident, from seven female city managers in 1971 to over 100 in 1986, the absence of greater numbers of women in decision-making circles calls into question some underlying assumptions made in the area of public personnel administration. Specifically, this study examines the extent to which city managers support the use of affirmative action practices in the recruitment of women into managerial positions. Analysis also focuses on several exogenous factors that help to explain the level of support which city managers have to undertake special and exceptional efforts to recruit women.

Life-style constraints on formal political participation—Why so few women local councillors in Britain?

Much of the literature on both formal political participation and political recruitment is static in concept. It fails to take into account that opportunities for participation may alter during one individual's lifetime. In particular, the lives of women change, often abruptly, on marriage and at childbirth. Time constraints increase and decrease as family demands heighten or lessen. The small survey of women political activists reported here suggests that flexibility of time constraints, taken together with family attitudes, are important factors in women's recruitment. Some women's expectations of local government and perceptions of its power also militate against their recruitment. Although the survey is small and limited to Labour Party activists, its findings are likely to be applicable to women in other industrialized countries.

Why Women Don't Run: The Critical Contextual Factors in Women's Legislative Recruitment

OMEN'S political recruitment, like men's, is largely dependent on a / number of critical contextual factors. Each of the three phases of the recruitment process eligibility, selection, and election is affected.1 A potential candidate's decision to seek office depends upon the political culture which limits or offers opportunity for persons with the appropriate eligibility attributes. A potential candidate must calculate whether or not to risk nomination by taking into account the closed or open nature of the particular political structure. In turn, election or defeat at the polls is related to voters' expectation of candidates' stands on issues, which as Key2 noted, must not deviate markedly from a prevailing modal consensus. The purpose of this article is to determine the critical sociopolitical contextual factors associated with limited or expanded opportunities for women's recruitment to legislative office. This article seeks to explain the effect of aggregate contextual patterns and processes on female recruitment.3 Therefore biographical data on women legislators (collected by the author4) are not included, since they are not theoretically pertinent to this contextual analysis.5 Our objective is to ascertain the environmental elements associated with the varying proportions of women recruited to political office. Thus, for example, women's recruitment to U.S. state legislatures varied from 1 percent in Georgia to 22 percent in New Hampshire, with an average representation of 6 percent in 1974. Women's recruitment to the U.S. Congress,

Recruitment of Women in Australian National Politics: A Research Note

Recruitment of Women in Australian National Politics: A Research Note

Recruitment of Women to Public Office: A Discriminant Analysis

Recruitment of Women to Public Office: A Discriminant Analysis

The Recruitment of Women for Public Office

The Recruitment of Women for Public Office

Political Recruitment of Women in Norway

Political Recruitment of Women in Norway

Recruitment of Women for Congress: A Research Note

Recruitment of Women for Congress: A Research Note

Political Recruitment of Women in Norway

Political Recruitment of Women in Norway

Recruitment of Women for Congress: A Research Note

Recruitment of Women for Congress: A Research Note