Women In Politics Research Articles

‘Where there is a will there is a way’: figurative language use and its pragmatic functions in political discourse

Abstract Although political discourse is essentially expected to be fact-based and objective, both practice and research show that literal language in political discourse is very often compounded with figurative language. The paper at hand tackles figurative language use in political interviews. For the purposes of this research, we conducted a critical discourse analysis of a corpus of political interviews given by a former Macedonian female politician – Radmila Shekerinska. The corpus consists of six interviews (with a total duration of about 3 h) in which she answers questions about the political climate and the challenges of North Macedonia in the last couple of decades. The selected interviews are all conducted in English as they are aimed at international audiences and they all fit into the time frame from 2017 to 2021, which practically overlaps with the final years of Shekerinska’s long-standing political career. This study uses a descriptive qualitative research design and focuses, first, on ascertaining the presence of different types of figures of speech in her answers (e.g. metaphors, simile, metonymy, synecdoche, personification, rhetorical questions, idiomatic expressions, proverbs, etc.); then, on identifying the pragmatic functions they perform in the context in which they are used, and finally, on establishing an interface between the figurative language use and the political ideology propagated by this politician. The results point to an extraordinarily resourceful use of a wide spectrum of figurative devices, skillfully intertwined with fact-based political discourse, primarily for addressing highly sensitive political issues, but also for driving important political points home; also, for gaining support from both the domestic and international community regarding the political ideology of this political figure as well as for enhancing the criticism addressed to political adversaries with an additional layer of creative flourish.

Insiders Versus Outsiders: A Comparative Study of Female Politician’s Social Media use

In the past, the media had a tendency to neglect women's issues, thereby restricting their visibility concerning development endeavours and political representation. However, this is changing due to technological advancements. Social media offers female politicians access to millions of users, freedom to interact directly with the electorate, bypass gatekeepers and opportunities for self-promotion. This research aims to investigate female politicians' social media use during their legislative terms with a focus on their self-presentation and the policy issues they support. The study involves content analysis of six female politicians from countries with a much lower female representation than their regional counterparts; three from Kenya and three from Hungary who have the highest number of followers on Twitter and Facebook respectively. The data was collected over a three-month period. The visuals were coded using 3 variables based on the insider and outsider perspective (Gulati 2004) while the text was coded in accordance with the 21 policy agendas defined by the Comparative Agendas Project codebook (Baumgartner 2019). The results indicate that a majority of female politicians in both countries, in the ruling parties presented themselves as insiders while those in the opposition presented themselves as outsiders. The insiders were majorly characterized by wearing of formal clothing, an important element of statesmanship, that portrays them as ideal candidates. In addition, the insiders' social media use was characterized by original content while outsiders reshared articles and retweets. Both Kenyan and Hungarian female politicians addressed women related policy issues. There were however some differences in social media use and self-presentation between the female politicians of the two countries such as the sharing of personal information and family pictures. The limitation of this study is that it does not fully represent the views and use of social media of all female politicians in Kenya and Hungary.

Women's Political Empowerment in Iraq After 2003

The degree of human development in any society is measured by the extent to which women participate in political life, and Iraqi women, together with many third-world countries, have suffered a real crisis concerning women's participation in the country's political life, and many factors have been played in reducing the share and size of women's participation in political life, including the growing role of the military in political life and the militarization of society during the eight-year war and subsequent events that led to the women's dissociation and reduction of their role. The role was only after women were granted no-election women share in Iraq's new constitution after 2003. Women's political participation is not only about obtaining their political rights but also about their political rights in the legitimacy of freely expressing their ideas within the framework of the institutions and groups of society and participating in political decision-making and practice. Therefore, women's political skills must be expanded by improving educational opportunities, leadership courses, and exchange programs, and removing institutional and legal barriers limiting Iraqi women's political participation.

A Contribution to the Study of Violence Against Women in Politics

This chapter addresses various aspects of the emerging research area, exploring concepts, theories, and data related to the study of violence against women in politics. It occurs within the political sphere but specifically targets women. It is used to reinforce traditional social and political structures by targeting women leaders who challenge patriarchy and the prevailing social expectations and norms. In many societies, such practices are marginalized, naturalized, depoliticized, and remain invisible. When female politicians are attacked for their political views alone, this is not necessarily a case of violence against women in politics. Ambiguity emerges, however, due to the fact that the means for attacking female politicians often rely on gendered scripts, focusing on women’s bodies and their traditional social roles, primarily as mothers and wives, to deny or undercut women’s competence in the political sphere. Symbolic and semiotic violence in politics can be effective in sustaining women’s oppression because it is subtle, euphemized, and invisible. Even if women recognize these acts as exercises of power, they still do not name it violence, even in societies with greater levels of gender equality. The concept of semiotic violence refers to the use of language, images and symbols as a means to marginalize and disqualify women as political actors. Often normalized, these dynamics serve to maintain gender hierarchies, undermining democracy and eroding the possibilities for women’s political empowerment. In response to the question of how to solve the problem of violence against women in politics, researchers offer a solution in the form of a comprehensive approach to addressing this sort of violence.

The role of gender in shaping mayoral grant-seeking behaviours

ABSTRACT Research suggests that women face anticipated stereotypes and voter penalisations in their pursuit of political office. To overcome these challenges women have to be better than men in terms of their experience, candidate quality, and political work. We test the hypothesis that women politicians exert more effort compared to men by analysing grant applications submitted by towns in Slovakia between 2016 and 2021. We investigate municipalities in a Slovak region where local governments apply for subsidies in two policy areas, one stereotypically feminine and one masculine. We test whether women apply more often for grants in the realm of the feminine policy compared to masculine policy. We find that municipalities led by women mayors are more active than those led by men mayors in the number of grant applications regardless of the area of policy. Our analysis confirms that once in political office, women show higher effort compared to men.

Understanding political skills and leadership styles on public satisfaction in women politicians

Understanding political skills and leadership styles on public satisfaction in women politicians

Exploring identity: A Critical Discourse Analysis on “Nepali Women in Politics Success and Challenges”

The research paper explores the idea placed in the article “Nepali Women in Politics: Success and Challenges” by Bishnu Raj Upreti, Drishti Upreti and Yamuna Ghale published in the ‘Journal of International Women’s Studies’ on April 2020 from the perspectives of CDA, a relatively recent approach to analyzing discourse. The paper provides the definitions and overview of some CDA models mainly of Norman Fairclough, Ruth Wodak, T.A. Van Dijk and so on. Language, ideology and discourse are inseparable notions as we talk about media, translation and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). We get information from many sources which we use to interpret the world. Personal interactions with others provide us the insight with their knowledge and experience, cultural conventions and practices in their social world. On the other hand, television, radio, newspaper and magazines, the internet and many other sources with their different values provide us information. Language is the main mood through which most of the sources give information and most of these sources can be interpreted and analyzed using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The paper will discuss how the discourse used by the three authors in the article shows women’s struggle for equality in Nepal for the establishment of their identity in the society by exposing themselves in politics.

The FIFA World Cup 2022, National Identity, and the Politics of Women’s Sports Participation in Qatar

The FIFA World Cup 2022, National Identity, and the Politics of Women’s Sports Participation in Qatar

The nonlinear road to happiness: Making sense of ESGD impacts on well-being

This study examines the heterogeneous impact of environmental, social, governance, and digital (ESGD) factors on subjective well-being across 86 countries from 2005 to 2019, using Method of Moments Quantile Regression. The results reveal complex, nonlinear relationships between ESGD factors and well-being. CO2 emissions display an inverted U-curve, suggesting eventual negative impacts after initial gains. Our findings suggest that renewable energy only benefits higher quantiles, revealing affordability issues. Social and governance factors like labor participation and women's political participation relate nonlinearly to well-being across income levels, reflecting employment quality and social norms differences. Similarly, digital factors improve well-being in high-income countries but not lower-middle-income nations, due to economic complexity gaps and the digital divide. A “digital economy paradox” emerges where more digital skills combined with limited digital economies decrease well-being in lower-middle income countries signifying the need for tailored digital policies. This study enhances understanding of links between ESGD factors and well-being patterns.

Gordana Subotić: Gender, Nation, and Women Politicians in Serbia and Kosovo. A Political Ethnography

Gordana Subotić: <i>Gender, Nation, and Women Politicians in Serbia and Kosovo. A Political Ethnography</i>

Constitutional Amendment 106 Women Reservation - What can be Learned from 1/3rd PRI Reservation?

Abstract: Attaining gender inclusion and political empowerment is the goal of the historic Constitutional Amendment for Women's Reservation, which calls for a one-third reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs). The dynamics of women's participation in grassroots governance can be better understood by looking at the lessons learned from PRIs' implementation of the 1/3rd reservation. In rural local bodies, like as Panchayats, women were required to occupy one-third of the seats under the 73rd Amendment Act of 1992. In an effort to rectify past gender inequalities, increase women's representation in decision-making bodies, and boost their social and political standing, this proactive policy was put in place. The revolutionary effect on women's political engagement is one important takeaway from the one-third reservation in PRIs. Women were able to take part in local administration through the reserved seats, which helped them develop their leadership abilities and increase their visibility in public service. As a result, women's status in communities was enhanced, and decisionmaking became more inclusive and equal. The importance of prioritizing health, education, and social welfare issues is positively correlated with women's political representation, which is another lesson. To address pressing social issues, women PRI officials frequently fought for policies that would have a direct positive effect on women's and marginalized communities' quality of life. In addition, the 1/3rd reservation effort highlighted the significance of initiatives that strengthen the abilities of female leaders. To help women successfully carry out their responsibilities as leaders, educational and training programs were crucial in providing them with the information and abilities they needed to understand and handle the many facets of government. Even with these good results, there are still problems. In many cases, women are unable to reach their full leadership potential due to cultural biases, patriarchal attitudes, and resistance from established power structures. If we want women to have an impact in politics, we need to break down these entrenched stereotypes and create conditions where they feel comfortable taking an active role

Patriarchal politics and women representation in governance in Nigeria, 1999-2023

In some parts of Africa, discriminatory laws and policies restrict women's access to certain occupations and limit their property ownership rights. This limits women's political and economic participation, decreases their income-earning potential, and perpetuates gender inequality, hindering economic growth and poverty reduction. Nigeria as a post-colonial state adopted a democratic system based on non-gender discrimination in political participation, which was modelled after the British parliamentary democratic system. However, in Nigeria, the colonial legacy of marginalization of women in politics was intensified at independence in 1960 based on the patriarchal traditional norms of colonial Nigerian society of male dominance. This inequality is particularly problematic, as it contributes to a cycle of poverty and discrimination that disproportionately affects women and their economic status and well-being. Therefore, this paper intends to unravel how gender disproportionate representation in power structures leads to the marginalization of women in governance in Nigeria. The paper was anchored on structural-functional theory as its theoretical framework of analysis. The paper depended on the documentary method of data generation, using secondary sources. Content analysis was employed for the analysis of data generated from documents. This study found that gender disproportionate representation in power structures skewed in favour of the male gender accounted for the marginalization of women in governance in Nigeria. The recommendation here is that a system of gender quotas should be statutorily instituted for public service appointments, leading to a just and equitable society for all in Nigeria.

The Political Representation of Women Politicians from Mass-Based Islamic Parties in Palembang City Regarding the Low Representation of Women in Legislative Bodies (A Study on the PAN and PKS Parties in Palembang City)

The background of this research provides an in-depth understanding of the representation of female politicians from Islamic mass-based parties in Palembang, highlighting the ongoing issue of insufficient female representation. Despite the implementation of a 30% quota, women's representation in parliament does not reach this threshold due to various obstacles to political participation. This research specifically examines the representation of female politicians in the PAN and PKS parties in Palembang to understand both the presence of female politicians in the city and the central-level policies supporting women in the region. In Palembang, the PAN party allocates a 38% quota for female politicians, while the PKS party allocates a 30% quota. This study employs descriptive qualitative methods and was conducted in Palembang. Data were collected through in-depth interviews using purposive sampling techniques. Primary data sources include interviews, while secondary data sources include literature reviews. The findings reveal that in the PAN party, women have a 38% quota, supported by an organization called National Mandate Women (PUAN) that handles recruitment. In the PKS party, the women's quota is 30%, with recruitment conducted through various channels, including assessments of cadres' abilities and expertise. The 2019 elections showed a shift, with women becoming more independent in their political decisions, previously influenced by men's political preferences.

Facework display of a political leader: Linguo-rhetoric approach (the case study of Julia Gillard's speech on misogyny)

This article focuses on the cognitive rhetoric features of the politician's facework that incorporate face threatening acts, communicative strategies, and discursive functions in a political speech. The data were taken from the speech on misogyny delivered in 2012 by the 27th Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard. Throughout the article we disclose the interaction of the politician's face, politeness, and power in the institutional discourse. Julia Gillard does her facework actively engaged into the misogyny argument which provides a persuasive ground to confront the opponent's face through reinforced employment of both positive and negative face threatening acts. The findings suggest that doing facework through rhetorical practices Gillard signals her identity in three faces: a political leader, a female politician and her individual social self-image of a woman and daughter. Gillard's face claims are closely bound with her sense of sociality rights and obligations. This entails her relational and collective self-construal prevail over her individual face. The symbolic power obliges Gillard to protect her collective self-credibility and makes the ground for undermining the self-worth of the opponent in a rather straightforward manner. The politeness Gillard exercises is mainly prescribed by the institutional goal and status which directly impact the use of the linguistic means employed by the politician.

Working Mothers and Political Daughters: Intergenerational Dynamics of Women's Political Officeholding

Abstract We study a new driving factor of women's inclusion in politics: the economic empowerment of their mothers. We evaluate Swedish microdata on politicians and their parents over fifty years. The results demonstrate a strong intergenerational dynamic from mothers to daughters. Female politicians come from households where their mother is more likely to be employed, earns more in the labour market, and earns a larger share of household earnings. This pattern was strong among parliamentarians in the 1970s and 1980s when female numerical representation increased rapidly in Sweden but is not present in national politics after the introduction of gender quotas in the early 1990s or in local politics.

Are women politicians outperformed by men? The impact of gender on legislative activity in Japan

AbstractObjectivesGiven the distinct political landscape of Japan, this study aims to explore the impact of gender on the parliamentary behavior of Japanese legislators.MethodsUtilizing a self‐constructed data set covering the 44th–48th Diets (2005–2021), this study examines the individual‐level parliamentary activities of male and female legislators in Japan. Key metrics analyzed include the frequency of speeches delivered in both plenary and committee sessions, alongside the submission of memorandums to the Diet.ResultsThe findings indicate that on the whole, gender exerts only a minimal effect on parliamentary activities. However, upon closer examination of members belonging to opposition parties during specific time periods, female legislators emerge as more active in terms of questioning and memorandum submission compared to their male counterparts.ConclusionThis study unveils a noteworthy trend wherein women legislators in Japan demonstrate equal or greater engagement in parliamentary activities than their male counterparts. These findings underscore the importance of exploring gender dynamics within political systems beyond the Western sphere. Moreover, they emphasize the necessity for ongoing research into gender representation and participation within Japan's political arena.

The Way She Moves: Political Repositioning and Gender Stereotypes

Abstract Research on policy shifts has found that repositioning can be costly as it affects candidates’ perceived honesty, reliability, and competence. It remains unclear, however, whether a politician’s gender affects perceptions of repositioning. Research on gender stereotypes has found that while male politicians are viewed as more competent, decisive, and displaying strong leadership, female politicians are believed to be more honest. Applying expectancy-violation theory, I test the hypothesis that the reputational cost of repositioning is more pronounced for female politicians in a preregistered survey experiment fielded on a large convenience sample in Flanders, Belgium (n = 6,957). I find that while frequent repositioning is evaluated negatively, the negative effect of repositioning is not more pronounced for female candidates than for male candidates on most outcome measures.

The cost of politics: how money acts as a barrier for women in politics in the Caribbean

ABSTRACT This article explores the barriers to women’s political representation, focusing on financial challenges associated with political campaigns. It contributes to the emerging body of research on the gendered effects of money in politics, particularly in the Global South, by documenting the financial challenges faced by women political candidates in the Anglophone Caribbean. Data was collected through elite interviews with women politicians in Barbados, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. The women were asked, among other things, to i) identify the barriers to women’s political representation and ii) recount their experiences while seeking to enter politics. Financial constraints emerged as a critical barrier to women’s political entry and participation. Although some women manage to enter the political arena and win elections, they nonetheless find the costs associated with politics burdensome and a barrier to increasing political representation for women. We conclude that, like their counterparts elsewhere, the financial demands of engaging in politics are exorbitant for women in politics in the Anglo-Caribbean due to their general exclusion from influential funding networks predominantly controlled by the “old boys’ club”; reliance on personal resources; balancing childcare and other gendered roles with demanding fundraising activities; and navigating the system of political patronage. This burden was incredibly challenging for “political neophytes” or women newcomers.

Policymakers’ Abortion Preferences: Understanding the Intersection of Gender and Wealth

When are politicians willing to liberalize abortion laws? While restricted access to legal abor- tion affects millions of women around the world, there is relatively little understanding of the factors shaping the views of politicians who craft or uphold such restrictive laws. This study examines the impact of a public health framing commonly employed by activists to persuade politicians to reform abortion laws. We provide evidence that politicians’ preferences toward abortion reforms are shaped by the intersection of gender and wealth. Drawing on a survey experiment conducted among more than 600 politicians in Zambia, we show that only women politicians from less wealthy backgrounds are more likely to support policy liberalization after being exposed to a public health framing. These findings underscore how economic inequal- ities can affect the substantive representation of women’s interests and provide a baseline for further research on the use of framing strategies in other developing country contexts.

Women in Politics - A comparative Analysis of Gender Quotas in Different Countries

In order to evaluate the efficacy of gender quotas in boosting women's representation and involvement in politics, this research paper compares the implementation and results of these policies in a number of different nations. Through an analysis of the legal structures, cultural backgrounds, and implementation strategies supporting gender quotas across a range of nations, this research aims to comprehend the disparities in the rates of success in attaining gender parity in political institutions. The study assesses the effects of various quota types (legislated vs. voluntary party quotas) and the influence of both internal and foreign forces on these policies using qualitative and quantitative analysis. Furthermore, the research delves into the opposition and criticism directed towards gender quotas, in addition to their enduring consequences on the political terrain.