Women In Political Parties Research Articles

Women in Political Party Recruitment in Japan: A Comparative Study of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP)

<em>This research will shed light on the role of women in political parties in Japan. Japanis still in 125th position out of 146 countries in the World Economic Forum's Global Gender Gap Index (GGI) Report 2023. This puts Japan at the bottom among developed countries. Even though various policies related to gender equality have been taken by the Japanese government. Politics as an instrument of democracy should ideally play a role in the promotion and campaign of gender equality in Japan. The ruling LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) and the opposition CDP (Constitutional Democratic Party) also played the issue of gender equality as part of efforts to respond to women's public. The response of political parties can certainly be traced to how political parties recruit and place women in party and parliamentary structures. This is the purpose of this study, to find out how the LDP and CDP recruit and candidacy women in their respective parties as an effort to realize gender equality. Using qualitative methods and party recruitment perspectives, it was found that both LDP and CDP provide space for women's involvement in their political parties. Although the LDP in the recruitment of women still uses a conservative and exclusive approach, the CDP is more progressive and inclusive. And also both, the LDP and CDP both consider the capital and political motivations of each female candidate. However, neither of them has made the affirmative quota policy effective within his party</em>

The end of the all-male party? Voter preferences for gender representation in political parties

ABSTRACT While parties have a large role in influencing the representation of women, much less is known of how voters perceive parties’ efforts to promote female candidates. Existing evidence from the literature suggests that, on an aggregate level, voters value female candidates at least to the same extent as male candidates. Meanwhile, evidence points both towards a general under-representation of women in politics as well as large differences between left-leaning and right-leaning parties when it comes to selecting female lead candidates and members of parliament (MPs). This study investigates voters’ preferences for gender representation inside political parties. Using a single vignette survey experiment in five European countries, I show that voters have strong preferences for equal descriptive representation of men and women in political parties and prefer women as lead candidates. Women have larger preferences for equal representation than men, while ideological differences are comparatively small.

Glass Ceiling and its effffect on Women Performance at Work A fifield research on women in political parties in Sulaimani

Glass wall is one of the gender exclusions that face women at work, this emerged with the beginning of the industrial revolution and the mass wave of women going out of their houses to work market, the activities and getting involved in fields and areas that were seized by men for a long time. This research is an endeavour to answer the question of: does glass wall exist? If so what makes it be? How does glass wall affects the women performance at work? The aim of this research is to address the affect on women by glass wall at work, for this matter the researcher has taken 16 5 samples from the research society, which is a total of the girls and women working in the Kurdish political parties in Sulaymani city, the samples are taken randomly in order to implement the field procedures. After processing the sampling form, the research reached at these conclusions: most of the samples’ age group was (50-41 ), they are married and hold Bachelor’s degree, most of the samples stress that most of their roles have become a glass wall in front of them that hinders them to reach their goals and reach the peak of the pyramid of their occupations, regarding the aftereffect of the glass wall on the performance of women at work and reaching a political high position. Regarding the mechanism of women facing these hidden and made up barriers which is called glass wall most of the samples stress that the political parties must work to eradicate sexual harassment which is prevailing in the political parties and deeply disturbed women, this has pushed away women from political work. One of the most important suggestions is that women and girls must be encouraged to get involved more in the political arena via participating them in the awareness courses regarding political parties, even raising awareness of families regarding women roles in political work, so they won’t be obstacles in front of them.

PARTISIPASI DAN REPRESENTASI PEREMPUAN DALAM PENYELENGGARAAN PEMILU

Realizing equal access for women and men to be actively involved in politics and the political decision making process still requires special attention from stakeholders in various countries in the world. One of the crucial problems is that there is still an imbalance in the composition of men and women in representative institutions. So far, the focus of women's rights in politics has always looked at the representation of women as candidates for legislative, executive, and even management members in political parties and very rarely discusses women's representation as election organizers such as in the General Election Commission (KPU), Election Supervisory Agency (BAWASLU), as well as the Election Organizing Ethics Council (DKPP). Women's political rights are essentially not only about the presence of women in political parties and parliaments but in the whole process of organizing elections, including election monitoring. Professional election management institutions are one of the determinants of democratic elections. The opening of access and opportunities for women to become members of the election administration is one of the indicators used to determine whether the election management body has democratically.

The role of women’s descriptive representation on same-gender and proximity voting among women

The article examines the relationship between the descriptive representation of women in political parties and its effect on same-gender and proximity voting among women. In particular, we examine whether women are more likely to support parties that have more women representatives or a woman party leader. We also consider whether women’s descriptive representation in parties may help women cast a vote that better corresponds to their preferences. To answer these questions, we make use of data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. We analyse respondents’ vote choice in 55 elections across 14 countries. Overall, our results show that the presence of a woman party leader motivates women to support such a party and that it also encourages women to vote for a party closer to their ideological position. The results, however, do not provide strong evidence that the presence of more women representatives in parties also fosters same-gender and proximity voting among women.

MOTIVASI PEREMPUAN BERGABUNG DALAM PARTAI POLITIK

Democracy as a political system has necessitated the spirit of equality and togetherness in order to achieve the common good, in the form of state and community life, participation is needed as a form of togetherness and inclusion in the political process. Specifically for women to fulfill the policy requirements of Law Number 10 Year 2008 which requires politics to include a representation of women of at least 30% both founders and central level management. The fact is that based on data from the National Unity and Politics Agency, the presence of women in parliament, especially the Ogan Komering Ulu District DPRD, has decreased from 4 in the 2014-2019 period to 2 in the 2019-2024 period. The purpose of this study was to determine the motivation of women to join political parties.
 This study used a descriptive qualitative method with a research approach and research focus. This research was conducted at the Office of the United Development Party and the Democratic Party of Ogan Komering Ulu. Primary data sources and secondary data, data collection techniques by interview, observation and documentation. Based on the results of data prosessing in the field about the motivation of women in political parties has been successful because it has fulfilled the needs of political parties, but in a political party there are still thos who use a family or dynastic interest system. The suggestions that can be given to political elites have steps so as not tu use the dynastic system in political parties.

REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN THE 2019 ELECTION IN GUNUNGKIDUL DISTRICT

Women's representation in the 2019 elections has increased. At this time the position of women in the world of politics is equal to men. The proof is that in each election period the participation of women has increased, from the elections in 2009, 2014, and until now the number of women's representation has increased. In Gunungkidul Regency, the representation of women in politicalparties has reached a percentage determined by the legislation, even exceeding the 30%quota.However, the electability of women in the parliamentary seats in Gunungkidul only reached22.22%. This study aims to analyze the representation of women in the 2019 elections in Gunugkidul Regency and its factors. There are supporting factors and obstacles in this study.This study uses a qualitative method. Data sources used are primary data and secondary data. Retrieval of data by interviewees through interviews and documentation. Based on the data analysis, it can be concluded that the representation of women in the 2019 elections in Gunungkidul Regency has increased in each election period starting in 2009, 2014, until 2019 at present. Although in 2019 it only reached a percentage level of 22.22% women's representation and has not reached 30%, this is already considered good. In addition, there are supporting factors which consist of family, social skills, availability of campaign costs, and parties. On the other hand there are also inhibiting factors namely the crisis of women's trust from the community, low political education, and minimal political costs. From the 7 aspects of these 2 factors, the authors have tested the field research with respondents who produced 71.4% of the factors according to experts the same as events in the field. There are 2 aspects which according to experts, are not felt in the lives of the respondents during the time leading up to the election. So there are new findings that occur in the field related to factors that affect the choice of women in the council seats.

Thirty Years of Gender Quotas in Germany: Policy Adoption between Mainstreaming and Minimal Compliance

This paper reviews three decades of gender quota policies in Germany and assesses policy adoption in parties, public administration, as well as on corporate and public boards. Germany was an early adopter of quotas for women in political parties and in public administration. Even though both measures were controversial when first enacted in the 1980s and early 1990s, they have since become rather low-profile gender equality strategies. A recent initiative to adopt quotas for women on corporate and public boards, by contrast, produced substantial public discussion. The mainstreaming of positive action plans in public institutions that include decision quotas, fixed quotas and goal quotas has given gender advocates formally strong leverage to advance a gender equality agenda. At the same time, a culture of minimalist compliance has pervaded the public sector and parties. Male institutions and organizations tend to exhibit more passive resistance than vocal opposition, thus making it difficult for feminists to engage effectively with non-compliance. A lack of sanctions as well as intricate strategies to circumvent quota decisions add to a sense among German feminist activists that quotas are one, but by no means the only strategy for gender equality in public life.

Partying Along in Silence: Violence against Women and South African Political Party Manifestos for the Local Government Elections of May 2011

The high incidence of gender-based violence (GBV) in South Africa, as well as its serious consequences, makes such violence a matter of central policy concern to women. Local government programmes provide ample scope for intervening in GBV. But to what extent do political parties recognise this local-level role? To explore this question the authors analysed the manifestos of seven political parties released prior to South Africa's 2011 local government elections, finding that, overall, parties offered few concrete and specific proposals for addressing GBV. The thinness of the manifestos, it is argued, illustrates the fact that the mere presence of women in political parties does not, in and of itself, automatically result in policies with gender content. In this context, mandating quotas only ensures that large numbers of female politicians are now championing gender-blind policies. Ultimately, attention must be paid both to parties' policies and to their quota of women politicians if meaningful change to womenâ??s lives is to be effected.

The Politics of Sexual Harassment: A Comparative Study of the United States, the European Union, and Germany

The Politics of Sexual Harassment: A Comparative Study of the United States, the European Union, and Germany. By Kathrin S. Zippel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. 274p. $80.00 cloth, $34.99 paper. Why was Germany so much slower than the United States to outlaw sexual harassment? What role have feminist organizations, academics, women in political parties, and femocrats (governmental equality officers) played in generating this policy change? How did the European Union act to require member states to legislate given that most member states were opposed? Does it matter that German policymakers have framed the problem largely as a gender-neutral violation of dignity, rather than as an individual right not to be discriminated against on the basis of sex? Is it better to rely on individual litigants to enforce the law or work through collective bargaining agreements and labor councils? And what are the implications of the findings of sexual harassment policy for the future of this issue, feminist policy change, and the policy process more generally? Kathrin Zippel answers these questions and more in her well-researched, comprehensive, and clearly written book.

Parliamentary Representation of Women in Indonesia: the Struggle for a Quota

The right to vote and stand for parliament has existed since the first Indonesian elections in 1955, but has not resulted in significant numbers of women MPs (members of parliament). This low representation has been challenged by women activists, who have undertaken a long struggle. They were finally able to obtain a 30 percent non-compulsory quota, which was included in the law on general elections (Indonesian Law No. 12 on General Elections, 2003). In the 2004 elections, the success in getting the quota enacted seemed likely to provide momentum for Indonesian women activists to win 30 percent of the parliamentary seats. However, only a small proportion of the seats were won by women in the national, provincial and local parliaments in 2004 (for the 2004–2009 period). Poor participation by women in political parties, which have been dominated by men, and the nature of the electoral system appear to be factors underlying the failure of women in gaining greater representation in the Indonesian parliaments.

Representation of Women in the Austrian Political System 1945-1998

Abstract Since 1945 the situation of women in Austrian politics has changed slowly but surely. This article concentrates on the representation of women in the political parties, parliamentary delegations, and in the party leadership positions. The number of women in the individual political parties determines the level of representation of women in parliament. In this connection, changes in legislation and party rules regarding the participation of women which took place after 1945 are analyzed, as well as the developmentof women's quotas in the party executive committees. I also compare the actual proportions of women in the party executives with the official targets given in the party rules where such quotas exist. Furthermore, the article discusses channels of legislative recruitment and their effects on drawing up the party lists. Finally, the question of strengthening the preference voting system as a chance to increase women's quotas is dealt with from the viewpoint of various Austrian political par...