Withdrawal Of Troops Research Articles

DEVELOPMENT OF THE HYDROGEN ECONOMY IN POLAND AND THE EUROPEAN UNION AS AN INSTRUMENT OF EMISSION NEUTRALITY AT A TIME OF ENERGY CRISIS

The armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine has caused an accelerated energy transformationin the countries of the European Union. That has happened not only because of the Russian fossilfuel embargo but, more importantly, the reorientation of fossil fuel export rules and, thanks tothe common policy of NATO and EU member states, the imposition of multiple sanctions onthe Russian economy, which appear to be the most effective way to cut off the aggressor from thefunds necessary to finance equipment and weapons. As of August 2022, coal from Russia cannotbe imported to the European Union; the embargo on energy carriers is part of the sanctions withwhich the EU wants to persuade Russia to end the war with Ukraine.This article attempts to present issues related to the search for alternatives to fossil fuels in allsectors of the economy. The direction of the search is to choose “green energy”, i.e. hydrogen,which, due to its potential broad application, is already starting to be treated as an instrumentof emission neutrality. A significant number of EU countries have decided to achieve emissionneutrality by 2050, which means the need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by approximately95% as compared to the baseline year of 1990. Achieving carbon emission neutrality, however,will oblige the EU countries involved in the project to be highly technologically advancedin eliminating emissions not only in the electricity sector, but also in other sectors (includingindustry, transport and heating sectors). These areas still function thanks to fossil fuel emissions(coal, oil and natural gas), the direct substitution of which by electricity from RES is impossible,for which reason Poland, as well as the rest of the European Union, is looking for alternatives tofossil fuels in all sectors of the economy.The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres (publication of March 23,2022) stated that it would be folly to undo now (during a time of war and sanctions againstRussia) all previous efforts to reduce dependence on fossil fuels and appealed to accelerate theimplementation of technologies and policies necessary for the transition to low-emission energysystems (Walewska, 2022). This view, of course, first of all concerns the end of hostilities in Ukraineand the withdrawal of Russian troops and the implementation of the climate package agreed in Glasgow, at the UN COP26 climate conference, which took place from October 31 to November 13, 2021 (https://ukcop26.org/).

Russia in struggle for Niger

The article is devoted to Russia's eff orts to stabilize the military-political situation in the Sahara-Sahel zone, primarily in Niger, and to assist in the economic development of the country, as well as the promotion of cultural ties in it. The attempts of the USA and France to keep this country in the orbit of their infl uence are analyzed. An attempt is being made to explain why on July 27, 2023, Niger became the third country in the Sahara-Sahel zone, where military personnel carried out a coup against the pro-Western Mohamed Bazoum, who held the presidency since April 2021. The coup was led by the commander of the Guard, General Abdurahman Ciani. On July 28, he was proclaimed interim head of State. The Economic Community of West African Countries (ECOWAS) has imposed economic sanctions against the country and has even considered military intervention. As before in Mali and Burkina Faso, during all these events, citizens of Niger shouted anti-French slogans and carried Russian flags, as well as symbols of the Wagner PMCs, which gave which gave the West a pretext to accuse Moscow of involvement in this. Many Russian political scientists interpreted the outbreak of hatred of Africans towards the former metropolis and increased sympathy for Russia as a continuation of the struggle against neocolonialism. Approximately the same explanation comes from the new military regimes in 3 countries of the Sahara-Sahel zone, where coups have taken place over the past 2 years. This was overlaid by the "shuttle diplomacy" of Deputy Defense Minister Yu-B. Yevkurov in August-September 2023, his numerous negotiations and meetings with the leaders of Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and the Central African Republic, after which a military-political alliance of the three Sahel countries was proclaimed on September 17, where coups took place. And all this against the background of the withdrawal of French troops and UN peacekeepers from Mali and the departure of French diplomats from Niger. Although in reality we are talking about the failure of the French colonial model of governance and development of the former colonies.

Relocating occupation: A critical environmental justice analysis of the US military migration from Okinawa to Guåhan

The US military buildup across the Pacific is an ongoing colonial project reproducing oppressive power structures, human rights violations, and systemic environmental injustices. As the United States bolsters its Pacific presence, islands and peoples living on them are particularly vulnerable. However, not all places face overtly growing military-colonial occupations. Following decades of substantial military presence in Okinawa, 2024 marks the beginning of a precarious troop withdrawal from the Japanese prefecture. This significant reduction in Marine Corps personnel is the result of decades of political activism by Okinawans, who have continually resisted occupation and longstanding patterns of violence and oppression. Yet these military forces are not just leaving, they are relocating. The withdrawal coincides with 5,000 Marines and a new base coming to Guåhan (Guam), a territory where about 30% of land is under military control. This article examines these processes of military buildup and relocation through a critical environmental justice lens. We expand upon research on these issues by centering the critical environmental justice pillars concerning intersectionality, multiple scales, state power, and indispensability. We analyze the interconnections between Okinawa and Guåhan and argue that environmental justice scholarship must consider global geopolitics, interconnectivity, and sovereignty to adequately approach environmental movements in the Pacific region. In addition, we demonstrate that environmental justice victories in non-self-governing territories remain vulnerable to reversal and we advocate for inter-island coalition-building to avoid passing environmental harms from one island to another.

Recommendations for the operational formation of troops (forces) and fire damage in operations: withdrawal of troops from under attack, fighting in an encirclement, exit from an encirclement

Мета роботи: розроблення рекомендацій щодо оперативної побудови військ (сил) та вогневого ураження противника в операціях: виведення військ із під удару, бій в оточенні, вихід із оточення. Метод дослідження: методи аналізу та синтезу, дедукції та індукції, метод аналогій та порівняння, методи експертного оцінювання. Практична цінність дослідження: проведений аналіз останніх досліджень і публікацій щодо особливостей операцій виведення військ із під удару, виходу із оточення та ведення бою в оточенні; визначені основні заходи щодо організації таких операцій; запропоновано рекомендації щодо ефективного проведення таких операцій; визначено основні напрями трансформації системи вогневого ураження під час виведення військ із під удару та виходу із оточення; розроблено рекомендації щодо організації вогневого ураження противника в операціях виведення військ із під удару, виходу із оточення та бою в оточенні з урахуванням сучасних особливостей технологічного інноваційного розвитку; визначені основні елементи оперативної побудови військ (сил) в операціях (бойових діях); розроблено рекомендації щодо ефективної оперативної побудови військ в такого роду операціях; визначено алгоритм організації оперативної побудови військ під час виведення їх із під удару противника та виходу з оточення; визначено основні та додаткові фактори, які впливають на ефективність вогневого ураження противника та ефективність оперативної побудови в таких операціях, а також дана оцінка їх важливості. Цінність дослідження: у статті розкрито сучасні особливості організації операцій виведення військ із під удару, виходу із оточення та ведення бою в оточенні, а також сформовані рекомендації щодо ефективної реалізації таких операцій. Майбутні дослідження: напрямами подальших досліджень можу бути проведення багатовимірного аналізу розвитку російсько-українського конфлікту, а також детальне дослідження трансформації класичних форм і способів ведення збройної боротьби. Тип статті: теоретичний, практичний.

오키나와의 기지화 과정과 제주4·3, 여수·순천10·19

This study provides an overview of the incidents of April 3 and October 19 and their impact on the U.S. fortification of Okinawa. During World War II, the Japanese militarized Okinawa and Jeju, while U.S. forces invaded Okinawa. Although they didn’t invade Jeju, the presence of Japanese troops and the geographical location delayed the arrival of U.S. troops, while the People's Committee gained great power. Even in the left-leaning Suncheon area, residents became increasingly dissatisfied with the US occupation, which inherited the police system of the Japanese occupation and favored the pro-Japanese right. Meanwhile, the United States initially considered a long-term presence of U.S. troops with the primary goal of preventing Soviet domination of South Korea. However, some military personnel in the US government considered the occupation as a burden and raised the idea of troop withdrawal. In November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly resolved the withdrawal of occupation forces after general elections and establishment of new government. Under these circumstances, the April 3 Incident occurred against the backlash against the US occupation, and the October 19 Incident, which occurred to reject the suppression of Jeju, considered as “communist riots” and were subject to suppression. While these events delayed the withdrawal of US troops, the United States, which wanted to balance power in East Asia, decided to militarize Okinawa and hold it for a long time. With the end of the US occupation in Korea, military personnel with experience in Korea became involved in the military government of Okinawa.

The Claims of Azerbaijan on Zangezur (June- November of 1918)

Key words: Batum, Constantinople, Ottoman Empire, Republic of Armenia, Republic of Azerbaijan, Zangezur, Andranik, border problems Despite the fact that the Treaty of Batumi assumed that the government of the Ottoman Empire would be informed about the agreement concluded between the governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan regarding the establishment of interstate borders, this agreement was never reached. The republics had already been proclaimed without marking their borders. Each of the newly-independent states was trying to expand the borders at the expense of the other. Each republic was trying to justify its claims, but in the end it was the political power and the number of weapons that mattered. That was the reason why the relationship between Armenia and Azerbaijan continued to remain tense and hostile. Regarding the status of Zangezur, neither side was going to retreat or at least agree to a compromise. Although Azerbaijan had military advantage and controlled the passages leading to the region, Armenians, who formed the majority of the population of Zangezur, were determined to join Armenia. Because of the entirely different positions on the issue of borders, no allied protocol was signed and no borders were drawn. Concerned about the physical existence of its own people, Armenia tried to establish "bearable" relationship with Azerbaijan and carry out a cautious policy on the issue of Zangezur due to the presence of Turkey. The tense and hostile relationship between Armenia and Azerbaijan continued up to the end of World War I and the withdrawal of Turkish troops from the region.

Revisiting Carter’s Policy on Korea: Troop Withdrawal, National Security, and Human Rights

Revisiting Carter’s Policy on Korea: Troop Withdrawal, National Security, and Human Rights

Narratives and Power in Digital Media Coverage of the US Troop’s Withdrawal from Afghanistan

This study examined the digital media coverage of the U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, focusing on how narratives within China Daily constructed and communicated power. This critical juncture in international relations provided a unique opportunity to analyze media narratives that shaped public perception and policy discourse, particularly through the lens of China Daily, a significant voice in Chinese and global media. The objective was to dissect how China Daily’s reporting reflected and influenced geopolitical narratives, utilizing Teun van Dijk’s framework for news discourse analysis. This involved a detailed examination of the discourse strategies and ideological constructs in the coverage of the troop withdrawal. By analyzing 192 articles from China Daily published between April and September 2021, the study explored the construction of narratives and their underlying ideologies. Findings indicated that China Daily strategically framed the U.S. withdrawal in terms of regional instability and terrorism risks, emphasizing the consequences of what it portrayed as a hasty and irresponsible U.S. action. This narrative strategy was aligned with broader Chinese political stances on non-interference and respect for national sovereignty. This research contributed to the field by highlighting the role of media in shaping international perceptions and added a non-Western perspective to discourse studies on global military engagements.

Navigating the Transition Tightrope: Challenges Posed by African Union Mission in Somalia Transition on Kenya’s National Security

This study examined Kenya's national security threats resulting from the withdrawal of the Kenya Defence Forces (KDF) from the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). This was in light of previous Peace Support Operation Transitions (PSO) in Iraq and Afghanistan, where regional instability resulted from troop withdrawals. Therefore, it analysed the impact of PSO experiences on national security, aiming to identify potential threats to the national security of Troop-Contributing Countries (TCC) resulting from PSO involvement. The study was a descriptive survey design, and it adopted a mixed-methods approach. The sample size for the study was 400 respondents and 49 key informants. The survey was informed by functionalist theory and strategic theory. Kenyan border counties are predisposed to the security effects of the KDF transition from AMISOM. The study's findings indicated a complex security landscape; that is, weak Somali security forces, insufficient funding for the transition, a short time frame, and the likelihood of a resurgent Al-Shabaab all present significant threats to Kenya's national security. These issues are exacerbated by increased border security problems, such as smuggling and unresolved territorial conflicts. However, the studies indicated that Kenya could mitigate these risks. Influencing the Security Transition Plan (STP) to prioritise strong border security measures can strengthen Kenya's defences. Strengthening the Jubaland buffer zone and helping Somalia's disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR) initiatives can help weaken terrorist organisations. Furthermore, efforts in Kenya's border counties' socioeconomic development can reduce the attraction to extreme ideas. Implementing comprehensive border security measures provides an additional avenue for improving overall security. According to the analysis, AMISOM's transition represents a complicated security tightrope walk for Kenya. To counteract the problem, Kenya must address the highlighted dangers while capitalising on existing opportunities. Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) indicated an F statistic of 139.893 and a p value of 0.000<0.05, implying that the transition of the Kenyan contingent in the African Union mission in Somalia significantly predicts Kenya’s national security. The regression weights model showed that the transition of the Kenyan contingent in the African Union mission in Somalia had a negative and significant influence on Kenya’s national security (β = -0.368, P =.000<.05). Recommendations include actively shaping the STP, strengthening the Jubaland buffer zone, and stationing enough security personnel along the border. Promoting bilateral and multilateral engagement with Somalia is critical for resolving lingering concerns and maintaining regional stability. By taking these steps, Kenya can protect its national security throughout AMISOM's handover.

Intricacies of French engagement in Sahel with peace prospects

The Sahel region faces an extreme human security crisis with complex security challenges rooted in historical, ethnic, and geopolitical ties. Decades of armed violence and unstable socio-political systems have led to deteriorating security conditions, with crisis hotspots diversifying across the region. The mobilization of destabilizing actors has necessitated external support, yet outcomes have proven inadequate. This research explores France's engagement in the region, transitioning with dynamic policy shifts towards a more “Sahelian solutions for Sahelian problems” oriented approach. However, externally led peacebuilding exercises have fallen short due to lack of coherence, worsening conditions in the region, leading to adverse effects like the emergence of a 'coup belt'. Thus, this study aims to identify sustainable peace alternatives by investigating key questions like: How has France's role in the Sahel transformed, particularly in response to policy shifts and troop withdrawals? Why does France remain a prominent security provider despite changes in its military posture? What are the limitations and outcomes of peacebuilding processes employed in the region by various actors? How effectively can peacebuilding discourses translate into tangible security improvements for the Sahelian people? Thus, this paper aims to demystify conflict dynamics in the region, analyzing France’s evolving role in the Sahel and evaluating collaborative efforts to address security threats and promote development, empowering local actors. Additionally, it explores peacebuilding theoretically to understand Sahel's ground realities. Through a review of past interventions, it highlights limitations in fostering positive peace, offering recommendations for coherent policies and collaboration in the Sahel. In this regard, the paper explores contemporary events through peace, security, and policy lenses.

The EU’s Sanctions Against Russia in the Context of Russian Aggression on Ukraine, and Their Judicial Control

In 2014, the Russian aggression against Ukraine began and it escalated even greater in February 2022. The Western states, including the Member States of the European Union, reacted and introduced a wide variety of sanctions, first in 2014, then in 2022, yet until now they have not led to the termination of the Russian–Ukrainian conflict and to the withdrawal of the Russian troops from Ukraine. The aim of this article is to analyse these sanctions and their development as well as the judicial control that was effectuated in relation to these measures by the Court of Justice of the European Union.

Changing strategy and foreign policy of the United States regarding Afghanistan and the new interim government of the Taliban

The history of Afghanistan has always been accompanied by insecurity, military occupation, intra-sectarian and religious differences, foreign interventions and poverty of the society, which did not turn this country into a field to protect the interests of foreign powers. The relationship between Afghanistan and other countries such as Russia, China and Iran has always been considered in the foreign policy equations of the American governments. Occurrences subsequent to the incidents of September 11 and the military occupation of Afghanistan in 2001 removed the Taliban from power until 2021, simultaneously as the withdrawal of American troops and the fall of Afghan cities. The Taliban put the power at their disposal after two decades. The main question is how can the US foreign policy approach be explained prior to the establishment of the Taliban group? The current research, with the explanatory method according to the theory of realism, seeks to test this hypothesis that the domination of the Taliban at the top of Afghanistan's power did not mean the complete withdrawal of America from that country, but rather for various reasons such as concern about the growing power of China, heavy military expenditures, the presence of regional powers. Like Russia, China, and Iran, the failure to destroy terrorism, disagreement with the Afghan government and agreement with the Taliban can be explained.

Afghanistan after US troop withdrawal: assessing internal stability and terrorist threats

The results of the review of the situation in Afghanistan given in the article indicate continued instability in the country. It is emphasized that the structural reasons for the collapse of the economy are more political than economic in nature, and economic recovery will largely depend on the political decisions of the Taliban government. It is shown that although the international community's interest in Afghanistan is waning, the humanitarian situation remains dire, and the UN must continue constructive interaction with the Taliban government. Assesses the risks of terrorist threats from Afghanistan, notes the increased freedom enjoyed by al-Qaeda, and concludes that ISIS-Khorasan maintains terrorist potential.

NIGER: French Troop Withdrawal

NIGER: French Troop Withdrawal

MORAL AND ETHICAL COMPONENT OF SCIENCE IN TIMES OF WAR

MORAL AND ETHICAL COMPONENT OF SCIENCE IN TIMES OF WAR

Курдская проблема в современной политике Ирака, Сирии и Турции: опыт комплексного анализа

Currently, the Middle East is undergoing significant changes, often due to a mixture of global and regional factors. The study is devoted to the current policies in the Middle East, in the ethnogeographic area of Kurdistan. The study researches numerous parties (political entities) of the Kurds of Iraq, Syria and Turkey, considers the events that took place in Kurdistan in 2022 and 2023. The central government of Iraq receives new levers of pressure on the leadership of the Kurdish Autonomy. At the same time, the Turkish leadership refuses to resume oil exports. Although the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan pursues its own goals, in this case the actions of Ankara and Baghdad coincide. Relations between the Kurdish Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan remain tense on a number of issues. During the adoption of the budget law, the latter actually opposed the idea of Kurdish autonomy in Iraq. In Syria, the autonomy of the Kurds (Rojava) will exist as long as the United States maintains its presence. The Syrian government is promoting the withdrawal of Turkish troops from Syria as a precondition for restoring relations with Ankara. Turkey refuses, because the Syrian Democratic Forces are not controlled by the Damascus. Thus, the Syrian Kurds are the stumbling block of the post-war settlement in Syria. In Turkey, there is a split between the opposition and pro-government Kurds. The opposition is divided into legal and illegal. Because the government of R. T. Erdoğan won a landslide victory in the presidential elections, there is no reason to believe that a softer course will be adopted against the Turkish Kurds.

Lübnan Dış Politikası ve 2005 Refik Hariri'nin Öldürülmesine Kadar Lübnan-Suriye İlişkileri

In its political history, Lebanon has been a country where religious and sectarian differences have come to the fore. These differences have had an impact on Lebanese political, economic and socio-cultural life as well as Lebanese foreign policy. This study argues that until the assassination of Rafik Hariri, "Lebanese foreign policy and Syrian-Lebanese relations were influenced by domestic political factors in Lebanon, while regional/global problems in the Middle East directly/indirectly affected Lebanese foreign policy and Lebanese-Syrian relations". In its relations with Syria, Lebanon is a country whose domestic factors are shaped together with foreign political processes, is known as the capital of crises and civil wars and is home to the Syrian-Israeli conflict. In other words, Lebanese domestic and foreign policy cannot be considered independent from Syria and Israel. However, Lebanon is the epitome of the Middle East and has been in the sphere of interest of both local, regional and global actors. In this study, the manifestations of external factors in Lebanon's domestic politics will be discussed by presenting the historical background necessary to understand the current debates, the importance of Lebanon for Syria, the reflection of the changing structure of the Middle East after the Iraq War on Lebanese-Syrian-Israeli relations, the assassination of Rafik Hariri and the consequences of the political division in Lebanon after the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon. In the study, this historical process is analyzed from an analytical perspective, and the relations between the actors and their consequences are analyzed from the perspective of Lebanon, Syria and the Middle East.

Navigating the Aftermath: U.S. Policy in Afghanistan Following Troop Withdrawal

The withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan in the middle of 2021 has put at stake and turned to shock the world community. The world, which was fighting COVID-19, faced more concerns about the US withdrawal from Afghanistan. It became not only a concern of Middle East countries, but it raised questions in Europe too. While the Middle East countries were anxious about security issues in the region, Europe was anxious about the mass migration of refugees. Russia, the country which is crucially interested in stable peace in the Middle East, and China, which is cooperating with Afghanistan in the economic sector, began negotiations with the Taliban government to stabilize the situation peacefully after the withdrawal of American troops.The article analyzes the changes in US policy in Afghanistan after the withdrawal of troops in August 2021. The withdrawal of the US military contingent from Afghanistan has changed the balance of power in Central Asia, which, on the one hand, creates new risks to international security, and on the other hand, opens up new opportunities for interested players in the international arena in the region. In the new conditions, the United States is forced to restructure its policy towards Afghanistan and change its security strategy in accordance with the new balance of forces in the region. The findings of the study relate to the actual interests of the United States in the field of security in Afghanistan and in the Central Asian region as a whole.

Financial Market Reactions under the Russia-Ukraine Conflict-An Empirical Study Based on a Multi-factor Model

This paper takes advantage of the turbulent situation in eastern Ukraine to study and examine the correlation between war conflicts and stock yields, and to study the impact on the stock returns of A-share listed companies in China. The background of this article is that with the Russian Ministry of Defense announcing the withdrawal of troops stationed on the border between Russia and Ukraine, the crisis situation in eastern Ukraine has been cooling since October 2021, until February 2022, when Ukraine announced in civilian forces that it would evacuate the local population to Russia on the same day, while the situation in eastern Ukraine deteriorated, the local government banned foreign aircraft from entering the country, and declared Ukraine a state of war. This article constructs an index factor that measures the degree of war through the cryptocurrency market price fluctuation index and the cryptocurrency market price fluctuation index. In addition, a new war impact index factor is added to the basic three-factor model, and the explanatory performance of the new multi-factor model for the stock yield of listed companies is more in-depth and whether it is more explanatory than the three-factor model. The study will test whether the Russian-Ukrainian conflict will significantly affect equity returns in China's A-share market. Helps investors better describe the expected returns of a cross-sectional stock portfolio.

Remember Kabul? Reputation, strategic contexts, and American credibility after the Afghanistan withdrawal

ABSTRACT We examine how a great power’s past behavior toward an informal security partner affects the broader credibility of its security commitments, focusing on the implications of America’s dramatic troop withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 as perceived by the U.S., South Korean, and Chinese publics. Against conventional wisdom, we show that knowledge about a great power’s decision to abandon an informal partner in one region of the globe can help increase confidence about its alliance commitments elsewhere. Our survey experiments identify a striking disjuncture: Although Americans tend to believe that the abandonment decision in Afghanistan will hurt their country’s credibility in East Asia, no such effect is found in South Korea and China. In fact, East Asian respondents who are reminded of the Afghanistan withdrawal become more confident about American security commitments when alerted to the possibility that this decision will help Washington to concentrate additional military capabilities in their region.