Wind River Indian Reservation Research Articles

The Song Repertoire of Four Shoshone Women: A Reflection of Cultural Movements and Sex Roles

Songs express a particular time, place, and culture. The song repertoires of four Wind River Shoshone women, ages 23, 43, 53, and 71, personally document the ebb and flow of religious and social movements as well as the changing musical role of women within these contexts. A comparison of each woman's background--her life experience, education, religious beliefs and values, traditional Shoshone beliefs and practices, and notions about music--elucidates the unique and shared song genres of each repertoire. Wind River Shoshones, once a nomadic Northern Plains group, today share their reservation in west-central Wyoming with the Northern Arapahoes. Originating in the Great Basin, they moved onto the Plains by the 16th century. After acquiring the horse in the early 18th century, they quickly assimilated Plains culture patterns. Livelihood and status that derived from hunting and intertribal warfare fostered a male-oriented society. Plains life bloomed briefly, coming to an abrupt end with the decimation of the bison and with Shoshone confinement to the reservation in the late 19th century. Today over two thousand Shoshones earn livings through ranching, farming, land leasing, and tribal royalties from gas and oil development. My work with the four Shoshone women grew out of an earlier study of Wind River Shoshone music conducted during the summers of 1977 and 1978. Although the initial study of Shoshone ceremonial music led to interviews with male singers who perform this repertoire, I also became acquainted with women who were active singers. During the process of completing my work on ceremonial music I realized that women were conspicuously absent in my readings on North American Indian music. Consequently, I began a study of the music and musical role of the four women presented in this paper.1

Interactional Considerations In Studying American “Indians” The Case Of Adolescent Self‐Esteem*

This paper argues that symbolic interactionists must recognize the necessity to not overgeneralize their data and to accurately reflect the natural environment of “Indianness” when investigating the empirical reality of the American “Indian's” social world. Data pertaining to the self‐esteem of Arapahoe and Shoshone adolescents living on Wyoming's Wind River Reservation are discussed as a case in point. Arapahoe and Shoshone youth attending integrated high schools, as a racial and numerical minority, were found to have relatively high levels of self‐esteem. The implications of this finding are reviewed.

Drinking Problems of Native American and White Youth

The consequences of alcohol consumption by teenagers in general and Indian youth in particular have long been of concern in the United States. Nevertheless, there have been few empirical studies of problems experienced by adolescents subsequent to drinking, and none which have provided comparative data on drinking related problems of white and Native American youth. The findings presented here are based on a self-report study of high school students in the Wind River Reservation area of Wyoming. With regard to feeling high, getting drunk, being sick, passing out, suffering a brief loss of memory, being stopped by the police, having an automobile accident and getting into trouble with parents, Indian youth of both sexes tend to experience more serious consequences of drinking than do white youth from the same area.

Wind River Reservation political process: an analysis of the symbols of consensus

In contrast to the kinds of political activity on other Plains reservations, Arapahoe politics are characterized by consensus, not factionalism, and the elected business council enjoys virtually unanimous support. This paper identifies and accounts for political symbols as cultural directives motivating and validating a social structure that is corporate and an ideology that builds political consensus. It is suggested that variant processes in Indian politics are obscured without the study of symbolic process.

Factors Associated with Unemployment among American Indians in the Pacific Northwest

T HE ROLE OF CHRONIC UNEMPLOYMENT in perpetuating economic deprivation among Native Americans is well-known. The 1970 Census revealed that only 63 percent of Indian males 16 years and older were in the labor force, as compared to 77 percent for the nation as a whole (Office of the Secretary, 1974). The disadvantage is even greater for rural Indian males, only 56 percent of whom are in the labor force. Low level of labor force participation also characterizes Indian females. Their 35 percent labor force participation is 6 percent below the national average (41 percent). The rate of rural Indian females is even lower (29 percent). Exclusion from the labor force is only part of the problem. Indians who are in the labor force manifest unemployment rates several times higher than the national average. In 1970, Indian males aged 16 and over had an unemployment rate of 11.6 percent, three times higher than the national rate (3.9 percent). The same pattern applies to Indian females, who experience twice as much unemployment as women in general (5.1 percent versus 10.2 percent). On some reservations unemployment rates are even higher. For example, according to the 1970 U.S. Census the unemployment rate for males on the Fort Peck Reservation in Montana was 32.2 percent, and on the Wind River Reservation in Wyoming it was 32.8 percent. Yet apart from documenting these high rates, there has been little empirical research on antecedents and correlates of unemployment among Indians. In fact, one comprehensive review of research on employment discrimination against minorities notes the paradox that there have been few studies of employment problems among these, the most disadvantaged minority in the nation.' This paper reports the test of several hypotheses about correlates of unemployment among Indians residing in Umatilla County in northeast Oregon. The county includes the Umatilla Indian Reservation and the city of Pendleton. The dependent variable is unemployment, measured both with respect to current employment status and amount of unemployment over the entire work history. The independent variables

Some factors related to contraceptive behavior among Wind River Shoshone and Arapahoe females.

During the summer of 1972 in-depth interviews were conducted with 96 Shoshone and Arapahoe Indian women living on the Wind River Reservation in Central Wyoming. All were aged 15-49 and were users of the reservation health service. It was found the women fell into 4 groups: current contraceptive users, 42.7%; pregnant or seeking to become pregnant, 10.4%; infertile due to menopause or sterilization, 18.8%; and fertile never-users, 28.1%. The contraceptive users tended to be older, married, and have as many children as they want. The fertile never-users tended to be in their teens and generally unmarried. When asked why they did not use contraception their answer was ''because I am not married.'' It is suggested that general education on contraception be provided the younger women so that when they achieve desired family size they will be informed as to family planning methods. It was found that religious belief against contraception was important to the young never-users, but not to the women who had completed their families. In fact, 73% of the users said their religion, which most identified as Roman Catholicism, had no influence on their contraceptive use while 27% said they were aware of church disapproval but used contraception anyway.

A SELF‐REPORT COMPARISON OF INDIAN AND ANGLO DELINQUENCY IN WYOMING

Abstract Previous studies, including those of Wind River Indian Reservation youth, indicate that native American adolescents have a relatively high rate of official delinquency involvement, Official rates may reflect, however, not only the actual incidence of delinquent behavior, but also other factors such as the manner in which the law is enforced. The findings of the present study are based on a self‐report type questionnaire administered to students attending two high schools in the Wind River Indian Reservation area of Wyoming. The data point to little overall difference in the delinquent behavior of Indian and Anglo males, with the exception of a greater involvement of Indian males in delinquent activities centering around the school. The Indian female, however, appears to be considerably more involved than her Anglo counterpart in running away from home and in a variety of offenses centering around the school, theft, vandalism, and assault. When social class is controlled, there is a substantial reduction in the number of offenses for which there are significant differences between the two races, although a few differences are found on particular class levels which do not obtain for the sample as a whole.

Drinking attitudes and practices among Wind River Reservation Indian youth.

The attitudes toward drinking of a cohort of 7th- and 8th-grade American Indians, mostly Arapahoe and Shoshone, living on Wyoming's Wing River Reservation were studied. The data suggest that these adolescents and their peers both approve of drinking and do drink even though they can get into trouble for illegal alcohol use.

DELINQUENCY AMONG WIND RIVER INDIAN RESERVATION YOUTH

Abstract Little research has been conducted on delinquency among American Indian youth. The present study reports the results of an intensive investigation of the officially recognized and recorded delinquency involvement of Indian youth living on the Wind River Reservation in Wyoming. Findings indicate: (1) a relatively high rate of official delinquency involvement; (2) that a high percentage of charges were for rather minor offenses; and (3) that a high percentage of charges were for alcohol‐related offenses

Delinquency among Wind River Indian Reservation Youth

Little research has been conducted on delinquency among American Indian youth. The present study reports the results of an intensive investigation of the officially recognized and recorded delinquency involvement of Indian youth living on the Wind River Reservation in Wyoming. Findings indicate: (1) a relatively high rate of official delinquency involvement; (2) that a high percentage of charges were for rather minor offenses; and (3) that a high percentage of charges were for alcohol-related offenses

The Arapahoe Ranch: An Experiment in Cultural Change and Economic Development

Approximately 30 years ago, as an experiment in directed social and economic change, the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) was instrumental in establishing a commercial cattle ranch to be owned and operated by the Northern Arapahoe tribe on the Wind River reservation in Wyoming. The purpose of this experiment was, first, to give members of the Arapahoe tribe an opportunity to engage in an independent and collective economic venture that would not only stimulate reservation economy but which would also encourage the Indians to learn the techniques of scientific management in order to compete successfully with the white ranchers of the region. Second, it was hoped that certain political and social innovations which would have significant systemic repercussions for the whole structure of Arapahoe life would result from this project and make a whole host of changes possible in that society. Finally, it was hoped that if the ranch proved successful it would serve Indian groups as a model of the ways in which a tribe could organize itself for viable economic development and restructure its socioeconomic institutions to be more responsive to adaptations to American life generally. Now, some 3 decades later, the ranch is characterized by Arapahoes and BIA officials alike as a success. Representatives from other Indian

Recreation Potential on the Wind River Indian Reservation. David S. Mocwes and Clynn Phillips. Division of Business and Economic Research, College of Commerce and Industry, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming. November 1971. 88p

Recreation Potential on the Wind River Indian Reservation. David S. Mocwes and Clynn Phillips. Division of Business and Economic Research, College of Commerce and Industry, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming. November 1971. 88p

Task Experience and Intertribal Value Differences on the Wind River Reservation

A study of the value orientations of the Shoshone and Northern Arapaho Indians living on a reservation in Northwestern Wyoming suggests that the Shoshone, who stress individualistic and achievement orientations, hold values closer to the whites living on or near the reservation, than the Arapaho who stress collectivistic and nonachievement orientations. These tribal differences in value orientations can be explained by the different ways in which the two tribes perceive the white reference group. The Shoshone consider the white reference group as an audience group which rewards them for task performances sanctioned by achievement and individualistic values. The Arapaho, who consider the whites as a reference group which punishes but does not reward them for task performances based on white values, have tended to reject white values and to develop tribal solidarity vis-'a-vis the whites by rewarding collectivistic task solutions as well as giving positive sanction to lower aspiration levels through stress on being, present, and subjugation-to-nature orientations. A great deal of research has been done on the role which values and value systems play in promoting sociocultural integration as well as their influence on the nature and direction of culture change. However, there has been little research investigating the actual sociocultural processes that promote value persistence or variation. The term value has been defined in many ways but in this paper values will be considered to be conceptions ofthe desirable patterns, goals and norms. Values are moral standards which serve as criteria by which the worthwhileness of the modes, means and ends of action can be evaluated. Thus Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961:395) have defined a value as .... a conception, explicit or implicit, distinctive of an individual or characteristic of a group, of the desirable which influences the selection from the available means, modes and ends of action.. Values or evaluative orientations must be distinguished from cathectic orientations which represent preferences for one kind of behavior, activity or relationship whether considered highly desirable or not and cognitive orientations which involve axioms, propositions, or empirical generalizations dealing with some feature of human experience but not involving a liking or disliking for objects or relationships (Locke and Breer, 1965:7). Values are objects, goals or relationships which are considered desirable not necessarily currently desired or preferred in every situation. They serve as criteria by which conduct is judged

Task Experience and Intertribal Value Differences on the Wind River Reservation

A study of the value orientations of the Shoshone and Northern Arapaho Indians living on a reservation in Northwestern Wyoming suggests that the Shoshone, who stress individualistic and achievement orientations, hold values closer to the whites living on or near the reservation, than the Arapaho who stress collectivistic and nonachievement orientations. These tribal differences in value orientations can be explained by the different ways in which the two tribes perceive the white reference group. The Shoshone consider the white reference group as an audience group which rewards them for task performances sanctioned by achievement and individualistic values. The Arapaho, who consider the whites as a reference group which punishes but does not reward them for task performances based on white values, have tended to reject white values and to develop tribal solidarity vis-à-vis the whites by rewarding collectivistic task solutions as well as giving positive sanction to lower aspiration levels through stress on “being,” “present,” and “subjugation-to-nature” orientations.

Intergenerational Value Differentials and Family Structure among the Wind River Shoshone

American AnthropologistVolume 70, Issue 2 p. 330-333 Free Access Intergenerational Value Differentials and Family Structure among the Wind River Shoshone1 STANTON K. TEFFT, STANTON K. TEFFT Wake Forest UniversitySearch for more papers by this author STANTON K. TEFFT, STANTON K. TEFFT Wake Forest UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: April 1968 https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1968.70.2.02a00110Citations: 3 1 This study was financed by the National Institutes of Health under Grant M 6595 (A). A shorter version of this paper was read at the American Anthropological Association meetings, Pittsburgh, Pa., Nov. 17–20, 1966. AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume70, Issue2April 1968Pages 330-333 ReferencesRelatedInformation

Arapaho IV: Interphonemic Specification

A short exploratory field trip to the Northern Arapaho of the Wind River Indian Reservation (Wyoming) in 1949, sponsored by the Graduate School of Indiana University, was followed in 1950 by a fullsummer field trip to the same locality under grants from the American Philosophical Society and the Indiana University Graduate School. In the summer of 1952, financial assistance from the American Phil-

Report of pediatric evaluation of a sample of Indian children-Wind River Indian Reservation, 1957.

Report of pediatric evaluation of a sample of Indian children-Wind River Indian Reservation, 1957.

The Stranger in Laboratory Culture

THIS laboratory study will show how taking the role of stranger affects certain responses made by the individual. Theoretically, it stems from an interest in marginality demonstrated by sociologists, anthropologists and historians. For example, Teggart 1 pointed out that contact between groups tends to emancipate the individual in thought and action. Park 2 and Stonequist 3 urged attention to the marginal man as a kind of concentration of the dynamics of culture. More recently, acculturation studies by scholars like Hallowell,4 Caudill,5 and Voget 6 have focussed on the characteristics of marginal individuals. Barnett 7 has incorporated Teggart's idea into his theory of innovation. He mentions the conjunction of differences as a factor that may stimulate innovation by an individual. Finally, and more specifically, we are indebted to Simmel 8 for pointing out the stranger as an important object of study. Methodologically, this study derives from a small-group experiment by Rose and Felton 9 in which a Rorschach card stimulus was presented repeatedly to a small group of subjects over a number of epochs. Each epoch consisted of a two-minute observation period followed by an explanation period in which each subject pointed out to the others in his group the concepts he had seen. Responses were classified as invention (perception of a new concept by a subject), borrowing (perception of a concept reported in an earlier epoch by a subject with whom the individual was in contact), and habit (perception by an individual of a concept which he, himself, had perceived in an earlier epoch.10 By moving individuals in and out of groups, the authors created three kinds of societies (new, closed and open) for which the rates of the different kinds of responses could be compared. While Rose and Felton maintain that they have created the mechanisms and processes of culture change in their laboratory, they warn against applying their results to the world outside. In our study we sought to compare the response rates of individuals playing different roles in the experimental framework suggested by Rose and Felton. Our experimental procedure is indicated in Figure 1. After a preliminary trial, groups of four subjects met for three epochs during which time some kind of consensus would, presumably, develop. Then one of the subjects, selected at random, was moved into a foreign group for three * This experiment was a project of the 1956 senior research seminar in Sociology-Anthropology at Middlebury College. We are indebted to the students of the seminar for carrying through the experimental procedures, to Edward Rose of the University of Colorado and William Felton of the University of Maryland for having suggested the specific research design to us, to James Sakoda of the University of Connecticut for statistical assistance, to Melford E. Spiro of the University of Connecticut for help in explaining our findings, and to June Shmelzer of the University of Connecticut for assistance in preparing the manuscript. 1 Frederick F. Teggert, Processes of History, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1918. 2 Robert E. Park, Human Migration and the Marginal American Journal of Sociology, 33 (May, 1928), pp. 881-893. 3 Everett V. Stonequist, The Marginal Man, New York: Scribners, 1937. 4A. I. Hallowell, Personality and Acculturation, in Sol Tax (editor), Acculturation in the Americas, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952, pp. 105-112. 5 William Caudill, Psychological Characteristics of Acculturated Wisconsin Ojibwa Children, American Anthropologist, 51 (July-September, 1949), pp. 409-427. 6 Fred Voget, Individual Motivations in the Diffusion of the Wind River Shoshone Sundance to the Crow Indians, American Anthropologist, 50 (October-December, 1948), pp. 634-646. 7 Homer Barnett, Innovation, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1953. 8 Georg Simmel, from Soziologie, 1908. Translated in Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1924, pp. 322-327. 9 Edward Rose and William Felton, Experimental Histories of Culture, American Sociological Review, 20 (August, 1955), pp. 383-392. 10 Rose and Felton also classified culbits (habits which originated as borrowings rather than inventions). We have not found it necessary to differentiate such a response here.

On Murphy's Review of Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography

On Murphy's Review of Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography

Arapaho I: Phonology

Previous articleNext article No AccessArapaho I: PhonologyZdeněk SalzmannZdeněk Salzmann Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by International Journal of American Linguistics Volume 22, Number 1Jan., 1956 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/464347 Views: 14Total views on this site Citations: 5Citations are reported from Crossref PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Michael Becker, Kathryn Flack Potts The Emergence of the Unmarked, (Apr 2011): 1–17.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444335262.wbctp0058Andrew Cowell Arapaho Imperatives: Indirectness, Politeness and Communal "Face", Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 17, no.11 (Jun 2007): 44–60.https://doi.org/10.1525/jlin.2007.17.1.44Jennifer L. Smith Making constraints positional: toward a compositional model of Con, Lingua 114, no.1212 (Dec 2004): 1433–1464.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2003.08.003Andrew Cowell Arapaho Placenames in Colorado: Indigenous Mapping, White Remaking, Names 52, no.11 (Jul 2013): 21–41.https://doi.org/10.1179/nam.2004.52.1.21Karl V. Teeter Algonquian, (Jan 1976): 505–525.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4757-1559-0_12