White District Research Articles

Structural, mineralogical and geochemical constraints on the atypical komatiite-hosted Turret deposit in the Agnew–Mt. White district, Western Australia

In the Norseman–Wiluna belt, Yilgarn Craton, the Agnew–Mt. White district is the host of many gold deposits. Located in the hinge of the regional Lawlers anticline, the Turret gold deposit is structurally controlled by the Table Hill shear zone that transects the Agnew Ultramafic unit. Geochemistry, coupled with petrographic data, allowed the delineation of the paragenetic sequence associated with gold mineralisation and include (1) a pervasive talc-carbonate alteration assemblage, (2) a pre-mineralisation stage associated with pervasive arsenopyrite + chalcopyrite + pyrrhotite + pyrite alteration, followed by (3) a late deformation event along a dilatational segment of the main Table Hill shear zone, leading to the formation of a breccia hosting a Cu–Bi–Mo–Au (± Ag ± Zn ± Te ± W) metal assemblage. The presence of Au–Ag–Cu alloys, native bismuth, chalcopyrite and other Bi–Te–S phases in the mineralisation stage suggest that gold may have been scavenged from the hydrothermal fluids by composite Bi–Te–Cu–Au–Ag–S liquids or melts. Using this mineral paragenetic sequence, together with mineralogical re-equilibration textures observed, we show that the gold deposition at Turret occurred over a temperature range approximately between c. 350 and 270 °C. This temperature range, together with the structural control and typical mesothermal alteration pattern including carbonate–chlorite alteration, shows that the Turret deposit shares common characteristics with the orogenic gold deposit class. However, the metal association of Cu, Au, Bi, and Mo, the quartz-poor, and high copper-sulphide content (up to 15 %) are characteristics that depart from the typical orogenic gold deposit mineralogy. Through comparison with similar deposits in the Yilgarn Craton and worldwide, we propose that the Turret deposit represents an example of a porphyry-derived Au–Cu–Bi–Mo deposit.

The Settler Enclaves of Southern Africa and the African Peripheral Areas (Reserves): The Case of the Ghanzi and Tati White Farming Districts of Botswana, 1898–1970

This paper examines the origins and consolidation of agricultural enterprise in the white farming areas of Ghanzi and the Tati in Botswana. It argues that similarly to the white settler colonies in Africa, namely Kenya, South Africa and Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), the success of white settler agriculture depended on state support at the expense and neglect of African farming in peripheral areas and the country in general. The paper shows how through credit, favourable and racially biased land sales, collusion with white farmers, and the provision of infrastructural developments and extension services, the state propped up white farmers' agriculture in the two areas. This paper also demonstrates the plight of Africans in the African reserves adjacent to the farms and African tenants and the so-called ‘squatters’ in the farms because of the numerous dues imposed on them by farm-owners. The article reveals that the Ghanzi Land Settlement Scheme, whose aim was to assist emergent white farmers, had many features similar to the assistance provided to early white settler farmers in Southern Rhodesia. This, together with other similar aspects in the settler enclaves of the two countries necessitated the adoption of a comparative approach.

The Voting Rights Act: Sirens of Extremism

The Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA) was designed to guarantee actual voting rights for Black Americans, rights that had been abrogated for a century by obstructive electoral devices (known as the Jim Crow laws) which kept them from their free exercise of the right to vote. Language added in 1982 to § 2 of the VRA reoriented its purpose from the guarantee of the individual right to vote to a focus on, first, assuring a descriptive representation of Black Americans to the body of elected officials, then second, preventing vote dilution resulting from the then-processes of electing these representatives. Attaining this dual goal was operationalized through the mechanism of Majority-Minority districts (MM’s). Our research finds, however, that the Majority-Minority mechanism does not guarantee political influence in the legislative body as opposed, on the contrary, to descriptive political representation. Indeed, the mechanism may in fact work against a target group’s actual political influence, all the while that it succeeds in increasing the group’s descriptive representation. It does so by institutionalizing partisan polarization across the body of elected representatives. Polarization, in turn, if based on partisanship, neuters the political influence of any specific group present in the elected body: First, by mandating the artificial creation of M-M districts, reapportionment processes implemented by state legislators move Black voters from opposite leaning districts. The Black AND the White majority districts that result are increasingly homogenous and therefore susceptible to the sirens of extremism, shorthand for political discourse never has to take into account opposite views. Second, the process then leads to elected officials whose electoral incentives wholly oriented to the wishes of homogenous constituencies and because these homogenous districts have put into place by the constitutional process of apportionment, they are both inviolable and semi permanent, impermeable thereby to entreaties pressing in upon them from others’ points of view. What the new language in § 2 has in fact accomplished is to provide sustained presence of a larger Black Caucus inside the House. But “larger,” as long as larger does not reach the level of absolute majority, does not necessarily translate to greater Black-American influence at the level of the House floor and its votes or within the body’s committees as this influence is neutered by the polarization dynamic within the House overall. Moreover, the polarization dynamic within the House is rendered self-reinforcing, and therefore self-perpetuating in perpetuity: first, in one very important unintended consequence of the MM mechanism, for every safe Majority-Minority district that is created, at least one and sometimes multiple White majority districts are also created. These White majority districts are also thereby safe districts insofar as it was ideological difference between Blacks and Whites that created the need for a districting mechanism such as the M-M, the safe White majority districts representatives, also beholden to only the views of their homogenous constituency bring their defense of these opposing values to their work as representatives in the House.

S.I.P. (School Induced Psychosis)

By way of autoethnographic poetry, I reflect on my daughter's struggle to negotiate the tenuous space created by the effects of post-Brown desegregated schooling in a predominantly White district, high family expectations, and her own identity as an African American teenage female. The story of this recent family crisis is viewed through multiple lenses as an African American female, single parent, educator, and artist. It is situated within the domain of educational critical race theory and its intersections with gender and class. Critical race theories in education have provided avenues for marginal voices to be heard. Further research and writing should be aimed toward amplifying these muted voices.

Checkerboard-Like Routing Protocol for Ad Hoc Mobile Wireless Networks

The main purposes of this article are to relieve broadcast problem, to immunize to some prerequisites, and to reduce the number of transmitted control packets. Broadcasting control packets network-wide is the most direct and common method for finding the required destination node in ad hoc mobile wireless networks; however, this causes a lot of waste of wireless bandwidth. To remedy the problem, routing protocols demanding some prerequisites are proposed; nonetheless, hardly can they be used if these prerequisites are missed or become stale. To efficiently reduce the number of transmitted control packets, our routing protocol partitions the network into interlaced gray districts and white districts by the aid of GPS and inhibits an intermediate node residing in a white district from re-transmitting the received control packets. However, a mobile node residing in a gray district is responsible for re-transmitting them till they reach the destination node. Our routing protocol does not demand any prerequisite except the use of GPS. Each mobile node can always obtain its own location information; furthermore, the information may neither be missed nor become stale. Our routing protocol is easy to be implemented, saves precious wireless bandwidth, and reduces almost half a number of control packets as compared with pure flooding routing protocols.

Ugly White Districts: What Should Sandy Do?

A case recently decided by a three-judge panel in the Southern District of New York, Rodriguez v. Pataki, where plaintiffs challenge the 2002 New York State Senate redistricting plan, presents a new kind of redistricting dilemma. Rodriguez raises the issue of what to do about bizarrely-shaped white districts that are constructed or preserved using race as an obvious motivation - apparently in violation of Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630 (1993), which held ugly black districts to be violative of the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause - but are adjacent to majority-minority districts that must be preserved in accordance with both Sections 2 and 5 of the Voting Rights Act, the laws forbidding dilution and retrogression of majority-minority districts. Here, I ask what Justice Sandra Day O'Connor should do about unsightly majority white districts that are drawn principally to maintain white majorities, even if such districts also help fashion adjacent majority-minority districts required by the Voting Rights Act.

TREATISES AS PRECEDENTS OF ENGLISH LAW: UNJUST ENRICHMENT MARCHES ON

In Rowe v. Vale of White Horse District Council [2003] EWHC 388 (Admin), [2003] 1 Lloyd's Rep. 418 Lightman J. held that the defendant Council could not succeed in a claim for restitution in respect of unpaid sewage services provided to Mr. Rowe, a successor in title to a former tenant of the Council. The former tenant had bought the house from the Council in 1982 and Mr. Rowe had bought the house in 1988. When the Council claimed payment for the services, Mr. Rowe brought proceedings for judicial review of the Council's decision. The Council's defence was based on a claim to restitution for services rendered. From 1982 to March 2001, the Council gave no intimation that it was entitled to charge for the sewage services and Mr. Rowe had no reason to believe that his payments to the Council and to the Thames Water Authority were anything other than all that was demanded of him.

Diverging parties: social change, realignment, and party polarization

Party polarization in the House of Representatives has increased in recent decades. Explaining this development has been difficult, given current interpretations of American elections. The dominant framework for interpreting elections has been to see them as candidate-centered, or individualistic. This framework may have seemed appropriate as a way to see elections during the 1970s and 1980s, when identification with parties declined and split-ticket voting increased. With increasing party differences, however, the presumptions that campaigns focus on candidates separate from parties, and that voters are less partisan in their voting, do not provide a satisfactory framework for understanding our current situation. This proposed book explains the emergence of party polarization by focusing on how the constituencies of House districts affect partisan outcomes and the subsequent voting behavior of House members. This proposed analysis is premised on the simple argument that members are elected from districts, and an explanation of polarization must begin with districts. The origins of polarization lie in the realignment of the electoral bases of the parties, and the shifting demographic composition of America. Liberal voting is more likely among members from urban, lower-income, largely non-white districts. Conservative voting is more likely among members from higher-income, largely white districts. Realignment has resulted in Democrats representing urban, lower-income, heavily non-white districts, while Republicans are more likely to come from suburban-rural, more affluent, white districts. Perhaps most important, the percentage of districts with a substantial proportion of non-whites is steadily increasing in the United States. The analysis will focus primarily on changes since the 1960s.

African American Women And Their Quest For Congress

As many barriers to Black electoral success were removed during the latter half of the 20th century, Black representation in Congress increased dramatically from 2 in 1949 to 38 in 2000. Many of these Black congresspersons (particularly from southern states) were first elected from majority Black districts but were subsequently reelected from majority White districts. However, the percentage of Blacks in Congress remains low. Black females face a double disadvantage when running for Congress because of race and gender biases. The 2000 congressional election in the third district of Louisville, Kentucky, provides an excellent case study to examine what obstacles Black females running for Congress outside the South encounter in forming multiracial coalitions to win election. This race pitted Eleanor Jordan, a Black female challenger, against Anne Northup, a White female incumbent.

Black Incumbents, White Districts

This article explores the controversial 1996 success of three African American incumbents (Sanford Bishop and Cynthia McKinney of Georgia and Corrine Brown of Florida) who lost their majority-Black southern congressional districts to Supreme Court decisions. Using aggregate electoral data and Gary King's solution to the ecological inference problem, we gauge (a) the extent of bias against Black candidates, (b) the extent of backlash against Black voters, and (c) the extent to which incumbency explains away the Georgia victories. The findings are compatible with neither a full attack on racial redistricting nor a defense of it. Southern Whites do not exhibit either consistent bias against Black candidates or backlash against Black voters, but racial polarization is nonetheless evident and dispersed in a geographically systematic manner. Barriers against Black representation are still strong, but they are not the electoral barriers that civil rights activists assume when they embrace majority-minority districts.

Before My History Classes, and: In His Library, and: Vo-Tech, and: From Someplace, and: How Quickly He Went, and: Lament

BEFORE MY HISTORY CLASSES/ Camille Dungy Grandpa was coming to visit that night, and my sister wore blue jeans and a blouse. In pajamas, I wanted to be old so I could stay up with her to meet him. I had religion on my mind and knew what questions would stall Mother when she came to tuck the little-girl sheets around me. I tricked her into talking about Christ, the Bible, asked what Heaven held in store. Why should I sleep? I told her, When I die, I want to meet all the dead. They'll be dressed and acting just like they did when they lived. She snapped my sheet, a warning, kissed my head: Someday you'll be more careful what you wish. 132 · The Missouri Review IN HIS LIBRARY/Camille Dungy Grandpa's wife lived in Springfield (where mobs kUled two black men to remind themselves they could), and, I suppose, she gave him all those books about the Great Emancipator's Ufe, but I knew nothing of that in those days. The best book proved villains could be vanquished, and photos lent support. Conspirators of John Wilkes Booth dangled, their hooded heads aU the evidence I needed. My folks bored me, so I read whUe they asked Grandpa if he would move back to Alabama. Why? What good has that place ever done me? At six, what did I know about anger? How could I know, then, what I was learning? The Missouri Review · 133 WO-TECH/Camille Dungy Everything we wore that needed rescue, pants we'd torn and shirts with ripped-off buttons, went to Grandpa's house. When we visited, we modeled. Grandpa adjusted our clothes with stick pins. Almost weekly, he saved us, my sister and me, restoring the clothes we'd lately damaged. You should teach the girls how this is done, Mother once suggested, her arms delivering mending, her eyes collecting Grandpa's hands, the snapped-tight box that housed his machine, his needles. He ripped her words as he told us never to do with a hanging thread. Let them save their time. He took the clothes. Let them do useful things. 134 · The Missouri Review FROM SOMEPLACE/GimiZZe Dungy Dreams are sometimes livable, provided there is property enough, and each house in Buxton had a little plot of land. Every worker had to have a garden, and black folks grew theirs right among the whites' Buxton Industries mined coal, fueled the turn of another century. That far back, and still, a Negro could make a life there, and Great-Grandfather, the village's best blacksmith, did. So it's no shock, Grandmother, that, in Springfield, you moved your boys into the white district, wouldn't let them swim in that old mud hole called the colored pool. The Missouri Review · 135 HOW QUICKLY HE WENT/Camille Dungy He was a man who walked beside failure but had gone on living. At eighty-five, he might have lived another twenty years if he could hope the wife who pulled away to stay on that platform back in Springfield might change her mind. It was his desire for her that had staked him fifty years. Love was one slim woman with a nursing job in Illinois. Life was a business, a Gary tailor shop he could not sell. And so his chance with her had gone. She died in August. Before January slung its shivers on the wind, he had stopped breathing. What was the use of holding some body? 136 · The Missouri Review LAMENT/Camille Dungy Those black men flew out of Tuskegee armed with skills, and that diploma supervised his store. Now there's nothing but the mirror in our basement and an oak spool-holder, a plaque of thread my mother still consults when she mends a hem. My father's father is a photo I barely recognize. He Uves in my uncle's face. He reaches for me with my father's hands, but he died before I knew anything about him but cast-off things, died before I could write a story for him about anything but loss. What do I know if I...

African Americans and the politics of congressional redistricting

This book provides a detailed analysis of the politics of racial redistricting, a topic of particular concern in light of recent federal court cases. The book is divided into two parts. Part one examines the historical exclusion of blacks from the American political process and the politics behind congressional redistricting. The text focuses on partisan manoeuvering and assesses whose interests were being served. In particular, the book chronicles the legislative action (creation of majority black districts) in North Carolina and around the South. Part two shifts the focus to the myriad of legal battles that ensued as a result of the newly-created districts in North Carolina and around the South. Majority black districts have been dismantled in the Supreme Court. This has been due to the criticism of their arbitrary shape, and the notion that race was considered a predominant fact or in their design. Yet, irregularly-shaped majority white districts have not been accused of violating districting principles. This book purports that blacks were not elected to national office in large numbers prior to the creation of majority black districts, indicating the continuing need for race-conscious districting as a temporary solution to a complex problem.

The Influence of Race in School Finance Reform

There is some evidence, from past social science studies, that school finance reform is seen by citizens--and especially white parents--through a racial lens. This Article picks up that point--which is nothing more than a hint, really--and tries to explore the role of race in school finance reform by surveying the history and success of minority districts in school finance reform litigation. The Article examines how predominantly minority districts have fared in school finance litigation (and subsequent legislative reforms) as compared to predominantly white districts, and concludes that minority districts fare worse than their white counterparts both in court and before the legislature. Based on this and other evidence, this Article contends that there are strong reasons to believe that the racial composition of the school district plays an influential role in determining success or failure in school finance litigation and legislative reform. As the Article explains, this evidence has important academic, historical, and practical implications. Indeed, if the Article is correct in asserting that race plays an influential role in school finance reform, school finance scholars and practitioners should begin paying closer attention than they have to the dynamics of race relations and school desegregation; historians and legal scholars should recognize with added confidence the wisdom of the NAACP's desegregation strategy; and civil rights attorneys, courts, critical race theorists, and conservative critcs of desegregation should hesitate before abandoning the goal of desegregation.

The Influence of Race in School Finance Reform

There is some evidence, from past social science studies, that school finance reform is seen by citizens--and especially white parents--through a racial lens. This Article picks up that point--which is nothing more than a hint, really--and tries to explore the role of race in school finance reform by surveying the history and success of minority districts in school finance reform litigation. The Article examines how predominantly minority districts have fared in school finance litigation (and subsequent legislative reforms) as compared to predominantly white districts, and concludes that minority districts fare worse than their white counterparts both in court and before the legislature. Based on this and other evidence, this Article contends that there are strong reasons to believe that the racial composition of the school district plays an influential role in determining success or failure in school finance litigation and legislative reform. As the Article explains, this evidence has important academic, historical, and practical implications. Indeed, if the Article is correct in asserting that race plays an influential role in school finance reform, school finance scholars and practitioners should begin paying closer attention than they have to the dynamics of race relations and school desegregation; historians and legal scholars should recognize with added confidence the wisdom of the NAACP's desegregation strategy; and civil rights attorneys, courts, critical race theorists, and conservative critcs of desegregation should hesitate before abandoning the goal of desegregation.

Black Congressional Representation in the South: Making the Case for Majority Black Districts

gress currently stands at its highest total ever, 39. The following discussion demonstrates that this was due, in large part, to the creation of majority black districts in the South just prior to the 1992 elections. Critics of the creation of majority black districts in the South often argue that blacks can win election from majority white districts. This paper shows that the inability of blacks to win election from majority white districts warrants the perpetuation of majority black districts. Majority black congressional districts are now under attack from social scientists and

The gatekeepers: federal district courts in the political process

Preface Introduction: Federal District Courts in the Political Process The Federal District Courts: Institutional and Functional Perspectives The Nomination and Appointment of Federal District Court Judges Presidential Agendas and Judicial Appointments: From Kennedy Democrats to Nixon Republicans, 1960-1976 Presidential Agendas and Judicial Appointments: From Carter Democrats to Reagan Republicans, 1976-1988 Presidential Agendas and Judicial Appointments: From Bush Republicans to Clinton Democrats, 1988-1996 Presidential Expectation and Judicial Performance Does Race Make a Difference?: Perceptions and Attitudes of African-American, Latino, and White District Court Judges Does Gender Make a Difference?: Perceptions and Attitudes of Female District Court Judges The Gatekeepers: Conclusions Appendix A: The National District Court Judge Survey (NDJS) Appendix B: The Significant District Court Case Data (SDCC) Selected Bibliography Table of Selected Cases Index

Familiarity Doesn't Breed Contempt: A Rejoinder to "Comment"

Previous articleNext article No AccessResearch NotesFamiliarity Doesn't Breed Contempt: A Rejoinder to "Comment"D. Stephen VossD. Stephen Voss Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 58, Number 4Nov., 1996 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2960155 Views: 5Total views on this site Citations: 8Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1996 University of Texas PressPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Rene R. Rocha, Rodolfo Espino Racial Threat, Residential Segregation, and the Policy Attitudes of Anglos, Political Research Quarterly 62, no.22 (Sep 2008): 415–426.https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912908320931Brady BaybeckBrady Baybeck is assistant professor of political science and public policy administration, University of Missouri-St. Louis, Normandy, MO 63121. Sorting Out the Competing Effects of Racial Context, The Journal of Politics 68, no.22 (Jul 2015): 386–396.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00414.xDavid E. CampbellDavid E. Campbell is assistant professor of political science, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, IN 46556. Religious “Threat” in Contemporary Presidential Elections, The Journal of Politics 68, no.11 (Jul 2015): 104–115.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00373.xVincent L. Hutchings, Nicholas A. Valentino THE CENTRALITY OF RACE IN AMERICAN POLITICS, Annual Review of Political Science 7, no.11 (May 2004): 383–408.https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104859Donald W. Beachler All About Race? Electoral Politics in Mississippi, Politics & Policy 29, no.44 (Dec 2001): 585–599.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2001.tb00605.xD. STEPHEN VOSS, DAVID LUBLIN Black Incumbents, White Districts, American Politics Research 29, no.22 (Jul 2016): 141–182.https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X01029002002D. Stephen Voss, Penny Miller Following a False Trail: The Hunt for White Backlash in Kentucky's 1996 Desegregation Vote, State Politics & Policy Quarterly 1, no.11 (Jan 2021): 62–80.https://doi.org/10.1177/153244000100100105 Jan E. Leighley , and Arnold Vedlitz Race, Ethnicity, and Political Participation: Competing Models and Contrasting Explanations, The Journal of Politics 61, no.44 (Oct 2015): 1092–1114.https://doi.org/10.2307/2647555

Beyond Racial Threat: Failure of an Old Hypothesis in the New South: Comment

Previous articleNext article No AccessResearch NotesBeyond Racial Threat: Failure of an Old Hypothesis in the New South: CommentMicheal W. Giles, and Melanie A. BucknerMicheal W. Giles Search for more articles by this author , and Melanie A. Buckner Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 58, Number 4Nov., 1996 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2960154 Views: 4Total views on this site Citations: 22Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1996 University of Texas PressPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Kristina M. LaPlant, Deryl Mack Seckinger, Keith E. Lee, James T. LaPlant Cocked, Locked, and Loaded: An Analysis of the Five Policy Regimes of Concealed Carry on College Campuses, Politics & Policy 49, no.11 (Jan 2021): 61–86.https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12389Christopher A. Simon, John Frendreis, Raymond Tatalovich Economics, morality, or race: Referenda voting on tribal gaming legalization, The Social Science Journal 29 (Apr 2020): 1–15.https://doi.org/10.1080/03623319.2020.1744948Daniel P. Hawes Coming Together to Punish Others: Social Capital, Racial Context, and Social Control*, Social Science Quarterly 100, no.44 (Apr 2019): 1094–1111.https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12628Joshua N. Zingher, M. Steen Thomas The Spatial and Demographic Determinants of Racial Threat, Social Science Quarterly 68 (Apr 2014): n/a–n/a.https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12095Jason H. Windett, Kevin K. Banda, Thomas M. Carsey Racial stereotypes, racial context, and the 2008 presidential election, Politics, Groups and Identities 1, no.33 (Sep 2013): 349–369.https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2013.813396Rene R. Rocha, Tetsuya Matsubayashi Latino Immigration and Representation in Local Politics, Urban Affairs Review 49, no.33 (Oct 2012): 353–380.https://doi.org/10.1177/1078087412459719BYRON D'ANDRA OREY, L. MARVIN OVERBY, PETER K. HATEMI, BAODONG LIU White Support for Racial Referenda in the Deep South, Politics & Policy 39, no.44 (Jul 2011): 539–558.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00303.xAdam Chamberlain Racial Threat or Racial Contact? How Race Affected Third-Party Presidential Voting in the Antebellum North*, Social Science Quarterly 92, no.22 (Apr 2011): 384–403.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6237.2011.00774.xTetsuya Matsubayashi Racial Environment and Political Participation, American Politics Research 38, no.33 (Nov 2009): 471–501.https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X09335486John D. GriffinJohn D. Griffin is assistant professor of political science, University of Notre Dame, South Bend, IN 46556.Brian NewmanBrian Newman is assistant professor of political science, Pepperdine University, Malibu, CA 90263. The Unequal Representation of Latinos and Whites, The Journal of Politics 69, no.44 (Jul 2015): 1032–1046.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00605.xMelissa Marschall, Paru R. Shah The Attitudinal Effects of Minority Incorporation, Urban Affairs Review 42, no.55 (Aug 2016): 629–658.https://doi.org/10.1177/1078087406297026Ryan D. King The Context of Minority Group Threat: Race, Institutions, and Complying with Hate Crime Law, Law & Society Review 41, no.11 (Mar 2007): 189–224.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5893.2007.00295.xBrady BaybeckBrady Baybeck is assistant professor of political science and public policy administration, University of Missouri-St. Louis, Normandy, MO 63121. Sorting Out the Competing Effects of Racial Context, The Journal of Politics 68, no.22 (Jul 2015): 386–396.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00414.xBaodong Liu Whites as a Minority and the New Biracial Coalition in New Orleans and Memphis, PS: Political Science & Politics 39, no.0101 (Feb 2006): 69–76.https://doi.org/10.1017/S104909650606015XVincent L. Hutchings, Nicholas A. Valentino THE CENTRALITY OF RACE IN AMERICAN POLITICS, Annual Review of Political Science 7, no.11 (May 2004): 383–408.https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104859M. V. Hood, QuentIn Kidd, IrwIn L. Morris The Reintroduction of the Elephas Maximus to the Southern United States, American Politics Research 32, no.11 (Jul 2016): 68–101.https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X03259196Jay Barth, L. Marvin Overby Are Gay Men and Lesbians in the South the New “Threat”?: Regional Comparisons of the Contact Theory, Politics & Policy 31, no.33 (Sep 2003): 452–470.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2003.tb00157.xDonald W. Beachler All About Race? Electoral Politics in Mississippi, Politics & Policy 29, no.44 (Dec 2001): 585–599.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2001.tb00605.xD. STEPHEN VOSS, DAVID LUBLIN Black Incumbents, White Districts, American Politics Research 29, no.22 (Jul 2016): 141–182.https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X01029002002 Jan E. Leighley , and Arnold Vedlitz Race, Ethnicity, and Political Participation: Competing Models and Contrasting Explanations, The Journal of Politics 61, no.44 (Oct 2015): 1092–1114.https://doi.org/10.2307/2647555Ami Pedahzur, Yael Yishai Hatred by Hated People: Xenophobia in Israel, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 22, no.22 (May 1999): 101–117.https://doi.org/10.1080/105761099265784Byron D'Andra Orey THE RACE RACE IN BLACK AND WHITE: THE 1995 LOUISIANA GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION, Southeastern Political Review 26, no.44 (Nov 2008): 909–920.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1998.tb00515.x

African strategies and ideologies in a white farming district: Lydenburg, 1930–1970

This paper examines the character and impact of African resistance in the white farming district of Lydenburg from 1930 to 1970. The paper shows that, in the 1930s, African labour tenants faced pressure from white farmers who demanded more labour and offered less land. Tenants successfully defended their land and their free time, which prompted farmers to call in the state. The state was also unable to overcome the fairly widespread African opposition. Much of this resistance was informed by a determination to maintain some African autonomy and avoid wholesale incorporation into ‘the world of the whites’. In the 1940s deteriorating conditions on the white farms caused many young Africans to look for jobs in the urban areas, which led African families to become more flexible about the need for rural autonomy. Access to rural resources nevertheless remained an important objective. Such strategies were continually shaped by struggles within the family. In the 1950s influx control prevented African urbanisati...

PAICE'S PLACE: RACE AND POLITICS IN NANYUKI DISTRICT, KENYA, IN THE 1920s

LOCUSTS CAME TO Nanyuki in 1928. So did the Prince of Wales. The year was on the whole a dry one. Nanyuki had had good 'little rains' at the start of the year, but drought hit in the second half until a welcome shower in November. The drought was especially hard on the area's wheat growers, many of whom had invested heavily in new machinery. Apart from the always dominant concern with the weather, the year witnessed a certain amount of development and the normal minutiae of settler existence in Kenya. Nanyuki saw its very first wedding and the first scheduled air service to its township. The mail car, which ran twice a week between Nanyuki and Nyeri, was rammed by a rhinoceros. Arnold Paice, one of the earliest settlers in the district, had a holiday on the east African coast, his first sight of the sea in twenty-one years. Under the surface, the normal state of quiet desperation in which most people lived occasionally forced itself into the public consciousness. Alan Rathbone, son of the owner of the Nanyuki Trading Store, shot himself in November. Newspaper accounts said it was an accident; settler opinion held it to be yet another of the suicides for which Kenya was famous. 1 Nanyuki was a remote settler district 130 miles north of Nairobi. It comprised about half a million acres of land in a broad swath to the west and north of Mount Kenya. Much of it was land left free by the second Maasai move of 191 1, a controversial forced migration which led to the resignation of Governor Percy Girouard but no retribution for the uprooted Africans.2 It became a white district isolated from the rest of the Highlands by the physical barriers of the Laikipia plains and Aberdare mountains in the