White Activity Research Articles

BIPOC Community Perspectives on Environmental Justice in Georgia

For decades, the environmental and climate justice spaces have been predominantly spearheaded by white activists and institutions, even as Black, Brown, and immigrant communities experience the brunt of climate change’s impact. The resulting exclusion of Black, Indigenous, and other people of color’s (BIPOC) experiences, perspectives, and leadership from environmental policy and conservation work has created significant blind spots that further perpetuate inequality (Jones, 2020). In a moment of reckoning, the historically white-led environmental and climate justice movements have begun to acknowledge the exclusion of people of color and its detrimental effects on BIPOC peoples and the movement overall. In order to rectify this exclusion, communities of color must be centered in movement strategy going forward. Furthermore, before community advocacy organizations and community members can advocate for and enact policies and other political decisions on behalf of these communities, we must first ask them what environmental harm has looked like and what solutions they need as we look toward the future. Toward that end, Democracy Lab South and partners conducted the first and only multilingual statewide environmental justice survey of Georgia’s BIPOC and immigrant communities in 2022. This survey establishes a baseline understanding of these communities’ current perceptions, needs, practices, and potential localized solutions. It is our hope that the survey and resulting policy report will serve as a catalyst for building a robust statewide environmental movement that centers those most affected by climate and environmental issues.

Race, homosexuality, and AIDS in London: the response of British AIDS voluntary organizations to Black gay men's sexual health needs during the AIDS crisis (1980s-2000).

Focusing on three specific organizations-The Terrence Higgins Trust (THT), Blackliners, and The NAZ Project (Naz)-this article explores the different ways in which voluntary organizations responded to Black gay men (BGM) in Britain during the AIDS crisis from the 1980s to 2000. Illustrating how the place of BGM in Britain at this time was multidimensional and often contradictory, the first section demonstrates how they required safer-sex messaging that took account of the heterogeneous ways in which they experienced the intersection of racism and homophobia. Situated in this context, the second section explores for the first time the well-documented work of THT as it applied to BGM. It shows how although the Trust increasingly recognized the need to reach BGM, white activists struggled to grapple with issues of race. It demonstrates how their work on race was shaped by the broader context of changes to voluntary organizations' relationship to the state. In doing so, it makes clear the challenges of intersectional activism with communities of colour for white-dominated organizations and sheds light on how the HIV/AIDS voluntary sector responded to communities with particular needs. Taking Black AIDS organizations as its focus, the final section uncovers how Blackliners and Naz centred gay men in their work and reveals their nuanced and culturally sensitive initiatives. By tracing the contrasting ways in which these organizations navigated contested understandings of race in the final decades of the twentieth century, this article demonstrates the real-world consequences of the fragmentation of political conceptions of Blackness.

Racial and Ethnic (In)equity in Development of Power Through Place-Based Initiatives.

Background: Place-based initiatives (PBIs) invest in a geographic area and often build community power to improve well-being. However, there can be differences in results for different groups within a community. Methods: In six communities, we measured differences in "power to" by race/ethnicity at two points for the first phase of the PBI Healthy Places North Carolina (HPNC) using five indicators: (1) representation in network of actors collaborating to improve health, (2) leadership attributes, (3) perceived change in attributes due to HPNC, (4) network centrality, and (5) perceived change in network ties due to HPNC. Results: Latine populations were underrepresented. In four (majority White) communities, there were indications of White advantage. In one, White centrality was greater than non-White. In another, White actors consistently rated themselves higher for leadership attributes. In two, a gap in leadership attributes favoring White actors appeared at Wave 2. In two counties with African American majorities, non-White attributes ranked higher than White. Conclusions: Each indicator provided unique insight. Results provide new evidence of measurement validity and reliability. Results indicate that when PBIs designed to address the needs of low-resource communities do not proactively concern themselves with racial/ethnic equity and power (as HPNC would do in the years after this study), they may result in greater White benefit from PBI or failure to close existing gaps. Findings aligned with the "political reality" model of the correspondence between the size of African American population and their perceived self-efficacy. Changes over time and inter-county differences confirm need for early measurement of power differences and changes.

‘Taking Responsibility for the White Collective’: Implicated Subjects and Transformative Justice in the United States

ABSTRACT∞ Transitional justice largely ignores that majority of actors who, though not directly responsible for violence, are structurally implicated in systems of injustice that (re)produce violence. Their absence is incompatible with the normative goals of the ‘transformative justice’ agenda, which include targeting the causes of (structural) violence, a project decidedly shaped by the presence of implicated subjects, especially in cases of historical injustice. This article engages a select group of implicated subjects – anti-racist white activists in the United States – to examine what their endeavours and struggles to reckon with their implication in the ongoing histories of racism and white supremacy can tell us about the boundaries of a transformative justice model. Drawing upon nine months of participant observation and 30 in-depth interviews within predominantly white activist spaces in the Greater Boston area, I contend that viewing transitional justice from the lens of implicated subjects serves to trouble the field’s transformative aspirations.

Blackface on the South African Stage

In most contemporary studies in which the practice of blackface is discussed, it is seen as a controversial and racist practice. While many studies are available globally on different aspects of this practice (e.g., origin and history, the broad spectrum of media where it is used, different permutations and developments of this practice in various countries, etc.), one finds only a few studies focused on the use and practice of blackface in South African theatre studies. This is surprising when one considers the major role played by race in the general history of South Africa, as well as more specifically within the history of South African theatre. The focus in this article is on the practice and occurrence of blackface on the South African English stage from a historical theatre viewpoint as framed within a postcolonial perspective of this topic. Although one can assert that the practice of blackface was probably simply taken from the origin of this practice in the United States and mainly introduced to South Africa via travelling minstrel troupes from America and travelling theatre companies from the United Kingdom, it is important to see how this practice was received in colonial South Africa. The discussion will first address the use of this practice within early English theatre in South Africa as influenced by the blackface minstrelsy travelling troupes of the 19th century (1830s to 1870s), while the second part of the article will focus on the use of blackface by white actors on the South African stage to portray black characters in the early 20th century (1910 to 1930s).

Google is Free: Moral Evaluations of Intergroup Curiosity.

Two experiments investigated how evaluations of intergroup curiosity differed depending on whether people placed responsibility for their learning on themselves or on outgroup members. In Study 1, participants (n = 340; 51% White-American, 49% Black-American) evaluated White actors who were curious about Black culture and placed responsibility on outgroup members to teach versus on themselves to learn. Both Black and White participants rated the latter actors as more moral, and perceptions of effort mediated this effect. A follow-up preregistered study (n = 513; 75% White-American) asked whether perceptions of greater effort cause greater perceptions of moral goodness. Replicating Study 1, participants rated actors as more moral when they placed responsibility on themselves versus others. Participants also rated actors as more moral when they exerted high versus low effort. These results clarify when and why participants view curiosity as morally good and help to strengthen bridges between work on curiosity, moral cognition, and intergroup relations.

Masking our emotions: Emotion recognition and perceived intensity differ by race and use of medical masks.

Although medical masks have played a key role in decreasing the transmission of communicable disease, they simultaneously reduce the availability of nonverbal cues fundamental to social interaction. In the present study, we determined the collective impact of medical masks on emotional expression recognition and perceived intensity as a function of actor race. Participants completed an emotional expression recognition task involving stimuli with or without medical masks. Across six basic emotional facial expressions, medical masks were associated with significantly more emotional expression recognition errors. Overall, the effects associated with race varied depending on the emotion and appearance of masks. Whereas recognition accuracy was higher for White relative to Black actors for anger and sadness, the opposite pattern was observed for disgust. Medical mask-wearing exacerbated actor-race related recognition differences for anger and surprise, but attenuated these differences for fear. Emotional expression intensity ratings were significantly reduced for all emotions except fear, where masks were associated with increased perceived intensity. Masks further increased already higher intensity ratings for anger in Black versus White actors. In contrast, masks eliminated the tendency to give higher intensity ratings for Black versus White sad and happy facial expressions. Overall, our results suggest that the interaction between actor race and mask wearing status with respect to emotional expression judgements is complex, varying by emotion in both direction and degree. We consider the implications of these results particularly in the context of emotionally charged social contexts, such as in conflict, healthcare, and policing.

Will we have a match? Observations from decision making conversations between hematologists and White and Black patients considering allogeneic stem cell transplant.

12133 Background: Allogeneic stem cell transplant (alloSCT) is the only treatment associated with cure for high-risk myelodysplastic syndrome (MDS), but carries substantial risks. One routinely mentioned concern is donor source. While white patients have an 80% chance of finding an unrelated fully matched donor, Black patients have among the lowest chance at 30%. The aim of this secondary analysis, from a telemedicine study assessing how hematologists engage in shared decision making with patients considering alloSCT, is to analyze how hematologists navigate discussions about donor concerns related to the apparent race of the patient. Methods: This is a qualitative analysis of transcribed video-recorded virtual encounters. We recruited US hematologists who perform alloSCT and randomized them to meet with a patient actor of Black or white race. The hematologists conducted a new patient encounter with the actors who were trained to portray the same 67 year old man with newly diagnosed high-risk MDS referred for specialty consultation to discuss treatment options. The patient character had multiple healthy siblings and children. Results: Transcripts from a total of 33 hematologists were available at the time of analysis (61% male, 30% non-white, mean age 46 +/- 11 years). Hematologists spent varying amounts of time discussing the concept of transplant donation. While some used complex language to describe matching and HLA tissue markers, others used simplified terms of finding a donor with “an immune system that’s similar to your own,” to eradicate foreign MDS cells and avoid attack on healthy cells. The majority emphasized searching for a donor among siblings, given the highest likelihood of matching. Conversations with the white actor included reassurance of finding a fully matched donor, whether through family or the international registry. Hematologists frequently disclosed the highest chance of success for people of European ancestry. While hematologists mentioned the registry in conversations with the Black actor, they rarely disclosed the lower chance of finding a fully matched unrelated donor. Instead they reassured that with better technology haploidentical match could be an option through donation from their child, “with as favorable outcomes.” Some gave the Black actor an overestimation of finding a fully matched donor through the registry. Non-white hematologists more frequently acknowledged the concept of race in stem cell donation. Conclusions: Hematologists use multiple strategies to help patients understand the donor process. They reveal to white patients the high likelihood of finding a fully matched donor while appearing to avoid discussing the lower odds for a Black patient.

Sociocultural engagement in a colorblind racism framework moderates perceptions of cultural appropriation

Cultural appropriation refers to an action whereby an individual makes use of, imitates, or takes possession of cultural products of an outgroup or source community. Compared to Black Americans, many White Americans do not differentiate between high (i.e., White) and low (i.e., Black) status actors when making judgments of cultural appropriation (Mosley & Biernat, 2021). The goal of the current research is to assess why some individuals exhibit a lack of recognition of structural and historical racism when making judgments of cultural appropriation. To answer this question, we draw on theoretical work on colorblind racism, a framework of racial ideologies that emphasize that group differences should be ignored, and that people should be treated as individuals (Bonilla-Silva, 2006). Three experiments investigate the colorblind - racism hypothesis: perceivers who are highly invested in a colorblind racism ideology —assessed along three dimensions including racial group identification, historical knowledge of racism, and endorsement of assimilationist ideologies—will see equal levels of appropriation in the actions of White and Black perpetrators. In contrast, perceivers low in a colorblind ideology will see White (versus Black) actors as more culturally appropriative. We see for evidence for this hypothesis among White (Studies 1–2) and Black (Study 3) perceivers. These findings suggest that endorsement in a colorblind ideology can facilitate ignorance of power differences between groups when perceiving cultural appropriation.

White people's activism in US‐ based social movements for racial justice

AbstractThere is a long history of small groups of white activists engaging in social movements for racial justice led by Black Indigenous and People of Color in the United States. Yet organized white antiracism has received much less study than white racism. From forging antiracist identities to crafting racial justice organizing strategies, white people's involvement in BIPOC‐led liberation struggles has proven both promising and problematic. This article explores what scholars know about white people's involvement in US‐ based racial justice efforts in order to pose central questions and quandaries for future study. It focuses on white antiracist activism in the United States beginning in the Civil Rights era. During the late 20th century, US‐based racial justice campaigns became fragmented across diverse networks and issue areas making it harder to locate groups of white people collectively aligning with a visible and unified social movement for racial justice. This appears to be shifting. Racial logics and racist regimes have proven themselves eminently flexible, and investigating how white people have tried to join social movements for racial justice illuminates important areas for future study.

The Representation of African Americans in 12 Years A Slave and Antebellum Films

Cinemas are often used as an element of escapism and a representation of reality to the audience. Cinema also plays a crucial part in developing and sustaining racial cultural ideas and attitudes in the United States of America and globally. Since the 1830s, African Americans have appeared in film as either shown unfavorably or as small-minded people in comparison to their white peers. In a famous film in America, “Birth of Nation”, a white actor who acted as African American was portrayed as savagely violent who seized on Caucasian women. Despite the inaccurate portrayal of African Americans in the film, identical tropes have continued to emerge in the film industry since the 1920s. Therefore, this paper studies the representation of African Americans in Hollywood films using Critical Race Theory. Two Hollywood films will be used as a comparative case study namely Steve McQueen’s 12 Years A Slave (2013) and Gerard Bush and Christopher Renz’s Antebellum (2020) respectively. The result shows the importance of race and racism in society, several common types of racial prejudice have been detected in the films. Pathological stereotypes have also been presented through the films and the white characters show their power and control towards the African Americans who once had equal privilege with them. Keyword : Representation, African-Americans, Hollywood Films, Antebellum.

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Long Day’s Journey Into Night

Long Day’s Journey Into Night

Inimitable Rarities?: Feather Costumes, Indigenous Artistic Labour and Early Modern English Theatre History

ABSTRACT In the seventeenth century, English audiences were dazzled by the display of indigenous artwork in London’s theatres. Red and white feather costumes, constructed by indigenous craftsmen out of scarlet ibis feathers, shone on white actors playing ‘Indian’ priests; audiences marvelled at the novel display of an indigenous-made hammock displayed onstage; and actors playing conquistadors lazed in a grotto littered with other ‘Indian rarities’. This essay attends to one subset of these objects: feather costumes directly made by indigenous artisans or inspired by indigenous designs.

The Epistemological Asymmetry of Framing “Woman” via US Women's Rights Pioneers

AbstractNineteenth-century US social activist contemporaries Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Sojourner Truth are memorialized as women's rights pioneers. White activists Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony cemented a generational canon. Black activist Sojourner Truth anticipated the eventual crystallization of intersectionality. These figures’ historical proximity underscores the high epistemological and political stakes of claiming gendered categories, namely via “woman” as a mark of aggrievement. I link concepts of intersectionality, epistemic agency, epistemic resources, and social movement framing to examine how “woman” is asymmetrically categorized. To this end, I perform a textual analysis of memorialized documents: “Declaration of Sentiments” (1848) by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, “Declaration of Rights of the Women of the United States” (1876) by Susan B. Anthony, and “Ain't I a Woman?” (1851) by Sojourner Truth. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony frame “woman” as a single-axis and vertical category, ultimately deferring to the seeming preeminence of the US nation-state. By contrast, Sojourner Truth frames “woman” as a multi-axis and horizontal category by synthesizing her feminist consciousness, lived experience of enslavement, and personal religiosity. This article revisits key memorialized events by utilizing a conceptual toolkit that interlaces feminist and social epistemology with social movement theory.

Editors’ Introduction

Editors’ Introduction

A Peek Behind the Curtain: Asian Americans on Screen and Behind the Scenes

The Hollywood film industry prominently consists of white actors, and critically acclaimed films are centered around white storylines. When Hollywood makes an adaptation based on people of color, specifically Asian Americans, they will whitewash the film to make it appear more socially acceptable. Scholars in Asian American studies, film studies, and other academic fields have analyzed Hollywood’s lack of diversity with actors, producers, directors, and even storylines. My study aims to analyze the connection between Asian American actors, directors, and producers from smaller to larger projects. Additionally, what did they do once they gained recognition and changed how Hollywood operates. Research has shown that this network among American actors, directors, and producers helps them stand against Hollywood’s barriers and change the industry from the inside.

Is ‘white nationalism’, nationalism?

AbstractAre ‘white nationalists’ really nationalists? This label is one that right‐wing, white activists themselves have chosen, and as such, compels rigorous investigation to avoid simply adopting the preferred nomenclature of these activists and their ambitions. The nation and nationalism are concepts with rich scholarly histories, and this paper seeks to examine the discussion, activities and statements of so‐called white nationalists in light of this literature. We argue through a three‐fold concept of the nation—based on territoriality, population and symbolic and/or cultural content—that the vision of the political community and ambitions of these activists falls short of the standard of a nation and that their aspirations do not conform to what the literature lays out as nationalism. We argue, therefore, that using the language of ‘white nationalism’ to describe these groups obfuscates and sanitises their motives and lends undue legitimacy to their standing in public discourse.

On Second Thought

On Second Thought

The Skin of Our Teeth, PlayMakers Repertory Company, Chapel Hill, North Carolina

<i>The Skin of Our Teeth</i>, PlayMakers Repertory Company, Chapel Hill, North Carolina