This paper examines practices of intertextuality in the dispersion of images by some selected early West African photographers1 who utilized dry plate technologies in the late nineteenth to early twentieth century. There is a burgeoning literature on early African photographers but little attention has been devoted to their dialectical relations with each other or the modes of intertextuality that operated between photographers. Photography was at the center of the visual fabrication of localized West African modernities and imaginaries2 during the second half of the nineteenth century. The technology, initially patented and made publicly available in 1839 in France, was taken up in Africa from the 1840s onwards and offered innovative modes of representation (Szarkowski 1966:1–6, Rajchman 1988:88–117). Its points of entry into West Africa, as elsewhere on the continent, were multiple (Viditz-Ward 1987:510–18, Yarak 1995:9–11, Haney 2010:24–27), and initially images were mostly produced as single, unique daguerreotypes on a polished silvered surface, usually sealed under glass.3 The daguerreotype was, however, paralleled by the invention and publication of the calotype process in Britain by Henry Fox Talbot in 1841. This paper-based negative-positive process allowed for unlimited photographic reproduction. Despite these advantages, it did not initially have the commercial success of the daguerreotype.4 Photographic technologies were diverse, rapidly changing, and developed throughout the nineteenth century. Such innovations, whether temporary or long-lasting, were imported into West Africa shortly after their availability in European or American markets. The daguerreotype persisted in Africa until the end of the nineteenth century, as exemplified in an advertisement of the Sierra Leone Weekly News (1884) where Shadrack A. St. John (identified as a photographer of African descent by Viditz-Ward, 1987:512) offered an improved daguerreotype process as well as the subsequent Gelatine Instaneous (dry plate) process.5 The adoption and popularity of the wet collodion glass plate process (1851 onwards) was quickly adopted by professional photographers and contributed to the burgeoning of professional studios around the world (Pols 2002:11). Its dissemination and subsequent refinement as the dry glass plate process (1870s onwards) allowed for the widespread use of the negative transfer technology pioneered by Talbot with its capacity for faster speeds, sharper, clearer images, and unlimited multiple mechanical reproduction. Moreover, as Walter Benjamin famously noted (1968:211–44), this technological capacity meant that each individual production of a given image had the potential to be constituted within a range of differing contexts that transformed their significances. For professional photographers, in particular, this offered the possibility of developing an archive of images, each of which could be repeatedly sold to a range of clients to maximize earnings. Indeed, by 1893 the Gold Coast-born photographer Neils Walwin Holm, who had settled in Lagos Colony in 1886, identified some eighty professional and amateur photographers in West Africa who were using the dry plate photographic technology (Holm 1893b:211). Itinerant commercial European and African photographers travelled the shipping routes in search of patrons and to build up image stock, and in so doing developed numerous markets for photographic services among diverse West African communities. This was greatly aided by the innovation of regular steamship services from the United Kingdom to the Niger Delta region in 1852, with increased numbers of destination ports along the West African coast (Lynn 1992:421–25). With the importation of the newer photographic technologies of dry (and prior wet) plate photography and multiple image production, West African photographers,