Welfare State Policies Research Articles

A contemporary framework for probing in social design: on continuous dialogues and community building

ABSTRACT Feelings of loneliness and social exclusion are a widespread phenomenon of digital modernity occurring across nations and cohorts, and it is therefore a significant area of interest to be addressed by the policies of welfare states and by designers. Existing research emphasises qualities in probes and probing such as providing inspiration and informing designers as well as enabling dialogue and collaboration. However, limited attention has been paid to the fact that probing and toolkits may require specific qualities where sentiments of exclusion are at stake. By examining a series of design interventions tackling loneliness, we analyse the type of methods that have been designed and used, their role and effect on relations between designers and participants as well as the design team itself. We also assess which tools failed to sustain their focus on initiating and deepening the dialogue among design participants. We conclude that dialogue and community building are essential goals in many areas of social design and suggest a framework for working with probing in this context. Probing is positioned as a way of deepening processes of interaction and inclusion with emphasis on the design proposal as a starting point for creating a community.

Cultural Centers in Hong Kong: Welfare Provision or Economic Instrument?

“Cultural center” is a new type of architecture and institution that has emerged since WWII and has become a model for many contemporary cultural institutions. It reflects the physical realization of the European welfare-state cultural policy, especially in Britain and France. With reference to the European cases, this paper examines three major cultural centers in Hong Kong from the 1960s to the present day (City Hall, Hong Kong Cultural Center, and the Xiqu Center at the West Kowloon Cultural District). Employing a socio-spatial approach, the methods include an archival study of government documents and spatial analysis of public space at the selected cultural centers. The paper demonstrates how the positioning of culture has shifted from a public welfare provision into a capital-oriented urban development strategy and, in this context, questions the role of contemporary cultural institutions.

Ageing and Welfare State Policy: A Macroeconomic Perspective

It has been widely recognized that population ageing could generate structural changes centered around a dwindling labor force, on one hand, and an expanding dependency on the generosity of the welfare state, on the other hand. Welfare state policy related to population ageing entails both fiscal and migration issues. This paper employs a general-equilibrium model with a policy making focus to help illuminate the mechanisms governing social benefit provision, labor income taxation, capital income taxation, and migration curbs on low-skilled and high-skilled workers, all driven by population ageing. Greater generosity of the welfare state comes together with a more liberal migration policy when incentives are compatible with the interests of the majority of voters. The effects of ageing on the tax and benefit sides of the welfare state depend on the number of dependents in the population and whether the country is a capital importer (in which case the capital tax burden is shared with foreigners) or a capital exporter (in which case the age-related wage increase skews taxation towards labor income). The tax-benefit narraive is about factor supplies. Low ageing evolution correlates with a relatively labor-abundant country (low retirement), which turns into a labor-scarce country (high retirement). Parallel to the evolution of the labor force, a country that is a capital importer (with a high rate of return) becomes a capital exporter (with a low rate of return). Greater demand for social benefits from an ageing population is balanced against the rising costs of labor income taxation and capital income taxation.

Ageing and Welfare-State Policy: Macroeconomic Perspective

Ageing and Welfare-State Policy: Macroeconomic Perspective

Международный опыт разработки программ обучения детей действиям в ситуации общения с незнакомым взрослым

<p>Child safety is a priority for Russian child welfare state policy. Cases of child abduction by strangers for sexual abuse and exploitation are not so frequent, however they have grave and tragic consequences. In the Russian education system, there is a shortfall of domestic practices that prevent such cases by teaching children to recognize dangerous situations, refuse to communicate or ask for help. The article presents a thematic review of international practices aimed at preventing crimes against children and child abuse, which have proven their effectiveness not only by many years of experience, but also by scientific research. These practices particularly concentrate on teaching children skills of safe communication with an adult stranger. The methodology and psychological and pedagogical techniques of the practices are considered in the light of the evidence-based approach.</p>

Understanding national-government policies regarding globalization: A trade-finance analysis

Why different national governments have different policies regarding globalization? This is an important research topic of government and economics. In the paper, I analyze how different income groups have different attitudes towards globalization; and how such attitudes shape government policy. A standard example is that more openness in trade benefits the owners of a country's abundant factor, while reducing the income of the owners of the scarce factor. Welfare-state policy depends on which income group is politically dominant. The paper adopts the framework of a small open economy trading in goods and financial securities with the rest of the world, to provide a general-equilibrium analysis of income-based globalization attitudes for national welfare-state government policies. The analysis shows that different income groups have varied attitudes towards globalization, depending on trade-related and macro-related fundamentals. They are: (i) the degree of trade border frictions, (ii) the degree of international finance frictions, (iii) the relative factor abundance that determines the capital intensity of the country's exports; and, (iv) the domestic saving propensity on one hand, and the productivity of domestic investment, on the other hand-determining whether the country is a financial capital exporter or importer.

Means Paternalism and the Problem of Indeterminacy

Abstract Many contemporary defenders of paternalist interventions favor a version of paternalism focused on how people often choose the wrong means given their own ends. This idea is typically justified by empirical results in psychology and behavioral economics. To the extent that paternalist interventions can then target the promotion of goals that can be said to be our own, such interventions are prima facie less problematic. One version of this argument starts from the idea that it is meaningful to ascribe to us preferences that we would have if were fully rational, informed and in control over our actions. It is argued here, however, that the very body of empirical results that means paternalists typically rely on also undermines this idea as a robust enough notion. A more modest approach to paternalist interventions, on which such policies are understood as enmeshed with welfare-state policies promoting certain primary goods, is then proposed instead.

Educating to belong: Policy and practice of mother-tongue instruction for migrant students in the Danish welfare state

This article explores how the development of mother-tongue instruction (MTI) policies in the Danish welfare state have created varying notions of difference and sameness in the schooling of migrant students and how they experience these notions locally in practice. Based on an analysis of MTI’s policy history and oral history interviews with former migrant students, we analyse MTI policy development within the Danish welfare state as a primary case and discusses whether these developments seem to be unique to the Danish welfare state by considering (West) Germany, the Netherlands and Sweden as a comparative perspective. Noting the paradoxes and dynamics of the welfare-state policy of ‘school for all under one roof’ at the intersections between the policy and practice level, we posit that migrant students are regulated as a homogeneous group that is expected to be ‘the same’ but is simultaneously considered to be ‘different’ from other, majority students. The findings thus reveal the paradox of welfare-state education policies and practice: while macro scale policy for migrant education aims to emphasise difference through MTI, the social consequences at the micro level show the opposite; namely, that MTI produces feelings of sameness and belonging among migrant students.

Fixing capitalism’s good jobs problem

AbstractConventional welfare state policies that centre on education, training, progressive taxation, and social insurance are inadequate to address labour market polarization, which is capitalism’s most pressing inclusion challenge at present. We propose a strategy aimed directly at the productive sphere of the economy and targeting an increase in the supply of ‘good jobs’. The main elements of this strategy are: (i) active labour market policies linked to employers; (ii) industrial and regional policies directly targeting the creation of good jobs; (iii) innovation policies that incentivize labour-friendly technologies; (iv) international economic policies that facilitate the maintenance of high domestic labour/social standards. These elements are connected both by their objective—expanding the number of good jobs—and by a new approach to regulation that is collaborative and iterative rather than top-down and prescriptive. We emphasize the importance of new institutional arrangements that enable strategic long-term information exchange and cooperation between governments and firms.

Gendered Labor Market (dis)advantages in Nordic Welfare States. Introduction to the Theme of the Special Issue

Gender equality has been named as one of the normative foundations of Nordic wel- fare states. This is reflected in how, year after year, Nordic states rank among the most gender egalitarian countries in the world (see, e.g., World Economic Forum 2020). In Nordic countries, the state has been, and continues to be, a central actor in shaping women’s citizenship, labor market opportunities, and caring roles. Especially publicly funded welfare services and policies that facilitate the reconciliation of work and care have played a major part in advancing women’s labor market participation (see, e.g., Bergquist et al. 1999; Borchorst & Siim 2002; Ellingsæter & Leira 2006; Siim & Stoltz 2015). The institutional framework of Nordic welfare state policies has been central to what has been called the ‘social democratic public service route’ (Walby 2004).One of the important building blocks of gender equality has been the aim of making policies in Nordic countries ‘women-friendly’. More than 30 years ago, Helga Hernes (1987) identified the Nordic countries as ‘potentially women-friendly societies’. She characterized women-friendly societies as those that ‘would not force harder choices on women than on men’ (ibid., 15), particularly in relation to work and care. Hernes also envisaged that woman-friendliness should be achieved without increasing other forms of inequality, such as class or ethnicity-based inequalities among different groups of women.However, achieving gender equality in working life and the sort of women- friendliness that Hernes envisaged at the societal level has in many ways also proved to be challenging, as the ties between the state and gender equality goals are more complex than what they might seem at first glance. Gender disparities have proven persistent also within the Nordic context. When we issued a call for this special issue, we were interested in various forms of gendered labor market (dis)advantage in Nordic countries. Furthermore, we asked how gender segregation, welfare state policies, labor marketpolicies, and various labor market actors interact to produce, maintain, challenge, or change gender equality in the labor market in the Nordic countries and beyond. The five articles presented in this special issue address the issue of gendered labor market (dis)advantages in Nordic countries from several vantage points, focusing on both on ‘traditional’ questions, such as corporate power and sustainable employment, and ‘emerging’ questions such as intersectionality, gender culture, and aesthetic work.

Accessibility of General Adult Education An Analysis of the Restructuring of Adult Education Governance in Denmark

The purpose of this paper is to examine how adult education institutions have developed in close connection with the Danish welfare state and how structural reforms since the 1990s have changed the institutional structure and impacted accessibility. This involves analyses of the main functions linked to the different types of adult education institutions (VUCs) in Denmark and their development in relation to welfare state policies in the first instance and to globalization and competition state policies in the second. Thus, the paper provides a historical outline of the development of adult education institutions in two main areas, a vocational and a general, followed by an analysis of selected policy documents on structural reforms. Focusing on the reforms of 2000, 2007, and 2018, the analysis identifies external and internal limitations to accessing general adult education. In conclusion, the market orientation of the VUC entails limitations to both external and internal accessibility.

Social Policy Without Growth: Moving Towards Sustainable Welfare States

Growth-dependent welfare states contribute to climate emergency. The ecological economics, degrowth, and sustainable welfare literatures demonstrate that to re-embed Western production and consumption patterns in environmental limits, an encompassing social-ecological transformation would need to be initiated very soon. This article focuses on the potential roles of the welfare state and social policy in this transformation, applying the concepts of ‘sustainable welfare’ and ‘safe-operating space’. Based on two Swedish studies, it also provides an empirical analysis of the popularity of selected eco-social policies designed to steer the economy and society towards this space: maximum and basic incomes, taxes on wealth and meat, as well as working time reductions. In analogy to the historical role of the state in reconstituting the welfare-work nexus in the post-WWII era and its present engagement in the context of the Covid-19 crisis, it is argued that a more interventionist state is required to grapple with climate emergency.

Knowing when to splurge: Precautionary saving and Chinese-Canadians

Why do household saving rates differ so much across countries? This micro-level question has global implications: countries that systematically “over-save” export capital by running current account surpluses. In recipient countries, interest rates are therefore too low and financial stability is put at risk. Existing theories argue that saving is precautionary; however tests of these theories are limited to cross-country comparisons and the results are mixed. We report the findings of an original survey experiment. Using a simulated financial saving task implemented online, we compare the saving preferences of a large and diverse sample of Chinese-Canadians with other Canadians. This comparison is instructive given that Chinese-Canadians migrated from, or descend from those who migrated from, a high-saving environment to a low-saving, high-debt environment. We also compare behavior in the presence and absence of a simulated “welfare state”, which we represent in the form of mandatory insurance. Our respondents exhibit behavior in the saving task that corresponds to standard economic assumptions about lifecycle savings and risk-aversion. We find strong evidence that precautionary saving is reduced when a mandatory insurance is present, but no sign that Chinese cultural influences, represented in either linguistic or ethnic terms, have any effect on saving behavior. Overall, the results suggest that Chinese “over-saving” is likely to be addressed when more generous welfare state policies are put in place.

Neoliberal Küreselleşme, Değişen Sosyal Politikalar ve Yoksulluk Sorunsalı Üzerine Bir Tartışma

In this study, the transformation and appearance of the poverty problem and social policies through the historical process in the projection of neoliberal globalization have been analyzed. In this context, the discussion has primarily dealt with the industrial revolution, in which the poverty problem deepened, and the controversial intellection of the welfare state in this period. Then, in the grip of neoliberal globalization that dominates the stage of history; new poverty and social policies have constituted the focus of the discussion. Although the historical background of the phenomenon of poverty and social policy has a long history, the study has been analysed on the basis of the industrial revolution and subsequent periods, where its visibility has become clear. With the industrial revolution, the poverty problem and social policies have become more evident than in any other period of the history. Changes in poverty and social policy perception have also been with globalization and rising neoliberal policies after the industrial revolution. Finally, the rise of the consumer society with neoliberal globalization has led to new discussions over the social policy and the poor. In this context, Keynesian welfare state policies and criticisms developed against the market economy risks of the industrial revolution will be discussed through sub-themes. This study aims to discuss the poverty problem from multiple perspectives within the framework of these basic dynamics.

Class and social policy in the knowledge economy

AbstractRecent studies of welfare state attitudes in the knowledge economy find very high generalized support for generous welfare state policies, both among the working and the middle classes. Has class become irrelevant as a predictor of social policy preferences? Or do we simply mis‐conceptualise today's class conflict over social policy? To what extent has it changed from a divide over the level of social policy generosity to a divide over the kind of social policy and – more specifically – over the relative importance that should be given to different social policies? Answering these questions is not only relevant to understand welfare politics in the twenty‐first century, but electoral politics as well: only when we understand what working‐ and middle‐class voters care about, can we evaluate the role distributive policies play in electoral processes. We use original survey data from eight West European countries to show that middle‐ and working‐class respondents indeed differ in the relative importance they attribute to social investment and social consumption policies. Middle‐class respondents consistently attribute higher absolute and relative importance to social investment. We also show that this emphasis on investive policies relates to the middle class expecting better future economic and social opportunities than the working class. This divide in anticipated opportunities underlies a new kind of working‐ versus middle‐class divide, which contributes to transforming the class divide from a conflict over the level of social policy to a conflict over the priorities of social policy.

Social Investment, Employment and Policy and Institutional Complementarities: A Comparative Analysis across 26 OECD Countries

AbstractRaising employment has been at the heart of EU strategies for over twenty years. Social investment, by now a widely debated topic in the comparative welfare state literature, has been suggested as a way to pursue this. However, there are only a couple of systematic comparative analyses that focus on the employment outcomes associated with social investment. Analyses of the interdependence of these policies with regard to their outcomes are even more scarce. We empirically analyse the extent to which variation in employment rates within 26 OECD countries over the period 1990-2010 can be explained by effort on five social investment policies. We additionally explore the role of policy and institutional complementarities. Using time-series cross-section analyses we find robust evidence for a positive association between effort on ALMPs and employment rates. For other policies we obtain mixed results. ALMPs are the only policies for which we observe signs of policy interdependence, which point at diminishing marginal returns. Additionally, our analysis demonstrates that the interdependence of social investment policies varies across welfare state regimes. Together, this indicates that the employment outcomes of social investment policies are also contingent on the broader framework of welfare state policies and institutions.

Free-Market, Perfect Market and Welfare State Perspectives on \u201cGood\u201d Markets: an Empirical Test

This study explores the relationship between human development and market institutions and tests the performance of three alternative economic perspectives that each assign a different role to governments. In the free-market perspective, the principal task of the government is to protect property rights. In the perfect-market perspective, the government has the additional responsibility of correcting market failures. The welfare-state perspective posits that the state must actively adopt welfare-state policies across a broad range of fields. Based on a sample of 34 OECD countries plus Russia across a time frame spanning 1990 to 2018, the results demonstrate that economic freedom and small size of government do not significantly affect human development as measured by the Human Development Index. Hence, we find no support for the free-market ideal. Conversely, it is found that human development is positively related to governmental interventions that aim to reduce externalities (public expenditure on education and environmental regulation). These results support the perfect-market perspective. With respect to the welfare-state perspective, the findings are mixed. On the one hand, we found that (some) labor market regulations (particularly hiring and firing regulations, hours regulations and mandated cost of worker dismissal) have a negative impact upon human development. On the other hand, human development is shown to be positively affected by governmental intervention seeking to reduce gender stratification in the labor market.

Health policy and federalism in India

ABSTRACT This paper addresses the question of how the position of Indian states in terms of their approach to welfare state policies interacts with the centre–state relationships that characterize health policymaking. In India’s version of federalism, health policymaking has been influenced by four mutually interacting sources: international public health discourses; Indian government programmes and policies; civil society organizations concerned with health; and the political economy of the different states and their associated political regimes. Public health issues sometimes achieve a high policy profile at the government of India, but very rarely do so at state level. This divergence provides fertile spaces for negotiation and conflict. An analysis of the path dependency of the allocation of health functions to different national and subnational levels of government contextualizes a case study of the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM), 2004–14. This shows the limits to the central government’s ability to implement a universalizing, rights-based programme across the country. An explanation for the different outcomes can be found in the variety of state systems within the country. Finally, the paper assesses whether the changes introduced since 2014 show a new federal order in the making and provides preliminary insights from state responses to the 2020 Covid-19 outbreak.

‘I can’t just go up to a person to ask what’s going on.’ How Dutch urbanites’ accounts of non-engagement enhance our understanding of urban care

In the context of increasing appeals to informal care in Western welfare state policies, questions concerning urban sociality acquire new significance. This paper aims to contribute to the emergent thinking on ‘urban care’ by situating it in policy debates concerning care responsibilities between citizens. We used small-scale focus groups among urban residents in The Hague (the Netherlands) to inquire into the accounts urbanites give of engaging or not engaging with perceived care needs of a stranger. Informed by Goffman’s ‘civil inattention’, we found that accounts of non-engagement highlight urbanites’ orientation towards maintaining friendly social interactions in the face of strange or worrisome situations. Urbanites feel that they should respect people’s choices even if these might hurt them. They fear that interference might be humiliating and they attribute to themselves the task of sticking to normality, while family members, friends or professionals might take on the task to intervene. This careful non-engagement, contrasted with long-standing accounts of urban indifference, enhances our understanding of urban care.

Welfare state policies and far right party support: moderating ‘insecurity effects' among different social groups

This article examines the interplay between social risks, welfare state policies and far right voting. Distinguishing between compensatory and protective policies and using data from seven waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) and social policy datasets, the article tests a range of hypotheses about the extent to which welfare state policies moderate the insecurities that drive particular social groups to vote for the far right. Empirical findings confirm theoretical expectations that several welfare state policies reduce the likelihood of supporting the far right among individuals exposed to high risks including the unemployed, pensioners, low-income workers, employees on temporary contracts, individuals in large families, and individuals who are disabled/permanently sick. These findings suggest that in order to understand why some individuals vote for the far right, one should not only focus on their risk-driven grievances, but also on policies that may moderate these risks.