Way Of Heaven Research Articles

“毁不灭性”：儒家哀伤应对的构成要素与作用机制<br>Discussion of a Confucian Theory on Bereavement

面对亲人亡故，儒家持有“毁不灭性”的主张。“毁不灭性”的构成要素包括儒家天道–性–仁的终极观，以德永存的永恒观，以“礼”侍亲的伦理原则和习俗，中庸的处事原则。这一学说不仅提供了生命意义–死亡的信念与认知框架，“礼”为中心，亲族–乡亲参与的传统丧葬习俗具有哀伤心理释放、行为调整和社会支持功能。“毁不灭性”可以引入心理健康科学，经过心理学化后，可能发育为具有中国文化气质性质现代哀伤应对理论。 This article discusses the psychological mechanism of the Confucian theory on bereavement, “Huibumiexing” (the not carrying emaciation to such an extent to affect life) that argues against grieving excessively to the point of hurting the virtual nature in ethical life. Such an argument is based on the theory of Confucian spirituality and the related viewpoints. According to the Confucian principle of Filial Piety, grief is one’s natural ethical reaction. However, it should be expressed in proper ways and to proper extent. Spiritually, Confucianism maintains that human being is formed through the way of Heaven (Tiandao). Man has the responsibility to develop his innate sense of benevolence to the stage of stateliness and kingliness. From the perspective of Confucianism, life and death are as natural as the rise and fall of the moon and sun. Grief should be expressed on the principle of Zhongyong (the golden mean). The funeral ritual custom called “QiQi” (seven seven days), which involves the participation of kin and neighbors, functions as social support and behavior therapy. This bereavement theory in Confucianism, including its explanation of grief, recognition to grief, and cultural behavior therapy, can be adaptively included in clinical psychology to further develop Chinese bereavement theory.

Errata:Inscrutable are the Ways of Heaven[tribologist Vol.58 No.3 166-169]，Winners of 2012 Tribo-Technology Award[tribologist Vol.58 No.4 217-220

Errata:Inscrutable are the Ways of Heaven[tribologist Vol.58 No.3 166-169]，Winners of 2012 Tribo-Technology Award[tribologist Vol.58 No.4 217-220

Ren and Gantong : Openness of Heart and the Root of Confucianism

In this essay, the sense of gantong 感通 is taken as a vital clue, and a line of interpretation is established that brings the complex meanings of ren and its various forms of writing into a coherent unity. The interpretation here identifies one of the oldest meanings of ren as gantong : open and affective comportment with spiritual, human, and natural beings in the surrounding world. The origin of ren lies in the ancient rites of ancestral worship that featured the spiritual surrogates ( shi 尸) who served as the intermediary for the communication and interaction ( gantong ) between dead ancestors and living descendents, between heavenly spirits and human beings. While this use of ren as gantong did not start with Confucius, what distinguished the Confucian understanding of ren was the shift of priority from the way of heaven to the way of the human, from the divination and intuition of godly injunctions to care and compassion among different individuals in the human community. Openness and sincerity of heart became the central meaning of ren in Confucian teachings and the root of Confucian moral cultivation, which can be best described as a gradual process of person opening instead of person making.

A Spiritual Turn in Philosophy

An exposition of the core Confucian text, the Analects, is a rich resource for thinking philosophically about aesthetics, ethics, and religion. Indeed, the Analects is an inspiration for doing philosophy as a dialogical, rather than a dialectic, dialogue and an edifying conversation. The four integrated dimensions of Confucian humanism as embodied in Confucius’ “anthropocosmic” philosophy encompass the sacredness of earth, body, family, community, and the world. Specifically, it envisions that the full realization of the way of learning to be human consists of (1) the integration of the body and mind, (2) the fruitful interaction between the individual and society, (3) the sustainable and harmonious relationship between humanity and nature, and (4) the mutual responsiveness between the human hear-mind and the Way of Heaven. Furthermore, it transcends the concepts of rationality in the Enlightenment mentality and provides a philosophy of life rooted in the sensitivity, sympathy, and compassion inherent in human nature. Confucius’ “anthropocosmic” philosophy is one of the most profound spiritual legacies in rethinking the human in the twenty-first century.

Daoist Principles As a Solution for Sustainable Business

190 Daoist Principles As a Solution for Sustainable Business RITA EGIZII A discussion of business sustainability cannot begin without a brief his‑ tory of commerce, as we know it today. Trading, which is at the root of commerce, most likely reaches back to prehistoric times, when early people began bartering from each other, goods and materials they had, for goods and services they did not have. The history of long‑distance commerce dates back to circa 150,000 years ago (Watson 2005). As de‑ scribed already by Powers: The history of commerce is the history of civilization. In his barbarous state man’s wants are few and simple, limited to his physical existence, such as food, clothing and shelter, but as he advances in the scale of in‑ telligence his wants increase and he requires not only the comforts and conveniences of life but even the luxuries. Civilized man is never satis‑ fied, for no sooner is a want supplied than another arises in its place, and under that stimulus he achieves mighty conquests over the forces of nature and attains to a high degree of development in character. Commerce is one of the means by which various peoples have at dif‑ ferent times undertaken to supply their needs. (1903, 18) Interestingly, Laozi provides a similar observation: The Way of Heaven is like the flexing of a bow. The high it presses down; the low it raises up. From those with a surplus it takes away. To those without enough, it adds on. Therefore the way of Heaven is to reduce the excessive and increase the insufficient. The way of Man—is to reduce the insufficient and offer more to the excessive. (Daode jing 77; Henricks 1989, 48) Egizii, “Sustainable Business” / 191 As civilization became more complex, those economies which relied on barter began to experience what has been coined as the “coincidence of wants” problem. The dilemma is caused by “the improbability of the wants, needs or events that cause or motivate a transaction occurring at the same time and the same place” (Jevons 1875). Often described as a “double coincidence of wants,” in‑kind transactions have several prob‑ lems, the most common being timing and need conflicts. If two parties wished to trade fruit for wheat, the transaction could only be completed when the fruit and wheat were both available at the same time and place. Concurrently, if someone wanted fruit but only had lumber to trade in exchange and the owner of the fruit did not want (or need) lumber at that time, the transaction would not make much sense. Creating a medium of exchange, such as money, solved this prob‑ lem (Kiyotaki and Wright 1989, 927‑54). The use of money, in effect, made all commodities available when they were wanted, and, at a sup‑ posed equal exchange value, for what was being bartered. For the pur‑ pose of exchange then, money came to serve three key purposes: 1) unit of account which facilitates valuation and calculation; 2) store of value which allows economic transactions to be conducted over long periods of time as well as across broad geographical distances; 3) medium of ex‑ change which eliminates the inefficiencies of barter (Ferguson 2008). According to most modern scholars, the Lydians were the first peo‑ ple to introduce the use of gold and silver coin. It is thought that these first stamped coins, as documented in the History of Herodotus (440 BCE), were minted around 650‑600 BCE. The first banknotes were used in China in the ninth century, and the first in Europe issued by Stockholms Banco in 1661.128 As communication increased and civilization developed, no one community was capable of producing all the things which it began to consume—either through need, or, more importantly, because of now defined “wants.” The beginning of “commerce” then, as the modern world knows it, began with the interchange of products with other communities or nations, either domestic or foreign. As ancient civilizations continued to develop, a “merchant class” began to emerge. The quest for new trading partners had powerful conse‑ 128 www.rg.ancients.info/lion/article.html. 192 / Journal of Daoist Studies 4 (2011) quences, including...

The Scripture on Great Peace: The Taiping Jing and the Beginnings of Daoism (review)

Reviewed by: The Scripture on Great Peace: The Taiping Jing and the Beginnings of Daoism Harold Swindall (bio) Barbara Hendrischke . The Scripture on Great Peace: The Taiping Jing and the Beginnings of Daoism. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006. lxvi, 276 pp. Hardcover $60.00, ISBN: 978-0-520-24788-8. This landmark translation illumines China's spiritual and social history in a way which few others have. Although it is not part of China's mainstream intellectual tradition, the "great peace scripture" (abbreviated as "the TPJ") never received the attention it deserves among sinologists until Werner Eichorn took an interest in it in the 1940s (p. 1). The translator, a senior research fellow at the School of Modern Languages at the University of New South Wales, has also concentrated the scholarship of Max Kaltenmark and numerous Japanese scholars, such as Ofuchi Ninji and Yoshioka Yoshitoyo, into her creation. Hendrischke's introduction begins with the history of the term "great peace" (taiping), which dates from before the Han dynasty and signified an ideal social state in which all classes were in their place and lived in bounteous harmony with heaven's order. She points out that "great peace" had a "programmatic sense" to "authorize a change of power" in which a new social order would establish this state of collective good. The notion was much influenced by the Daodejing, in which Laozi advocates ruling through virtue and "nonpurposive action," which later thinkers associated with great peace (pp. 5–6). Indeed, the imprint of Laozi can be seen throughout the TPJ, as well as that of Zhuangzi, who Hendrischke quotes in connection with his definition of great peace (p. 8). The term was also linked to aspects of Confucian thought (p. 10). All of these variations on the great peace theme had circulated in Chinese thought for centuries by the time of the TPJ's composition. The TPJ, however, moves away from the benevolence and proper etiquette emphasized by Confucius and turns to communion with heaven and nature on the part of all society as the way to salvation (pp. 13–14). Dating from the decadent end of the Han Ddynasty in the second century A.D., the TPJ addresses a society out of alignment with the dao of heaven and indicates the way back to the mythical society of early antiquity, when great peace was in force. Its main themes are the practice of maintaining vital qi, the rejection of culture (wen) in favor of nature, and the prioritization of heaven by both rulers and people, which will result in fair treatment of girls, sufficient wealth for the whole population, and general social justice—in short, great peace. Like the writings of Plato, the TPJ's text consists of dialogs between a sage, called the "Celestial Master," and his disciple, who he addresses as "Perfected," another term Hendrischke traces to Zhuangzi (p. 18). The Celestial Master claims to have been sent by heaven with the mission of warning a sinful society to repent in time to avert impending doom. Hendrischke notes that this eschatological element [End Page 220] separates the TPJ from the rest of late Han literati discourse and is one of the book's "radical" aspects (p. 16). On the other hand, she emphasizes that the main lines of thought in the TPJ conform to late Han thinking and social conditions, especially "the misery and despair, as well as [the] beliefs and hopes . . . of the late Han peasants," many of them landless, who wandered through the countryside, eager for social reform (pp. 16–19). This latter consideration leads Hendrischke to devote space to the great peace movements of the second century A.D., including the Yellow Turban Rebellion, and efforts to found societies fair to the people; the appearance of Zhang Daoling and the Celestial Masters, with their theocratic missionary zeal; and early religious Daoism, into whose canon the TPJ was adopted (pp. 16–31). She also mentions the Taiping Rebellion of the 1850s (p. 5). All these movements aimed at overthrowing or reforming the existing dynasty and establishing a just social order attuned to what they saw as the way of heaven. Another rebel movement inspired by...

The Religion of the Heavenly Way's Sunday Service in Korea: Its Meaning and Structure

The aim of this article is to investigate the meaning and structure of Cheondogyo’s (Religion of the Heavenly Way) Sunday service (siilsik), which is a regular and collective ritual. In particular, I attempt to determine the relationship between a regular collective ritual like Sunday service and a believer/individual’s religious identity. Scholars need to pay attention to ritual as a strategy. To achieve my purpose, I reviewed the structures and meanings of Sunday service, dividing it into time, space, and process. I studied its structures and meanings in relation to believers’ and Religion of the Heavenly Way’s identity, participating at the Seoul Center Church. I also interviewed people who handled important business for Religion of the Heavenly Way. Through this research, I was able to confirm that Sunday service is composed of traditional and modern factors, leads believers to emotional and cognitive participation because they recognize it as ritual acting during sacred time and space, and is the strategic ritual for believers’ and Religion of the Heavenly Way’s identity.

On the origin and development of the idea of “de” in Pre-Qin times

In ancient Chinese thoughts, de is a comparatively complicated idea. Most of the researchers translated it directly into “virtue”, but this translation is not accurate for our understanding of the idea of “de” in pre-Qin times. Generally speaking, in Pre-Qin times, the idea of “de” underwent three developmental periods. The first is the de of Heaven, the de of ancestors; the second the de of system; and the third the de of spirit and moral conducts. In a long period of history, the idea of “de” never cast off the influence of tian Dao (the way of Heaven). It was in Western Zhou Dynasty that the idea of “de” shook off the dense fog of the mandate of Heaven. However, it was the thinkers in Spring and Autumn Period and Warring States who made contributions to bring it deep into people’s mind. The ancient Chinese thoughts were mainly concerned with people’s recognition and development of their own abilities, with people’s seeking harmony and balance between human-beings and nature, and with people’s seeking harmonious and balanced human relations. The development of the idea of “de” played a very important role in this context.

Embracing modernity: Organisational and ritual reform in Ch'o˘ndogyo, 1905–1910

Ch'o˘ndogyo [Religion of the Heavenly Way] is a religion that was founded in late 1905. It is actually a continuation of Tonghak [Eastern Learning], a religious and social movement that formed in K...

Socio-political Trends and Local Elite of the Dangjin Area in Late Modern Times

In Dangjin-gun, the Deoksu Yi, Jeonju Yi, Cheongju Han, Neungseong Gu, and Hansan Yi clans were relatively powerful in the Joseon Era. In addition, several clans among the common people were growing on the basis of economic power in the late Joseon Era. In modern times, clans who adopted the new learning (modern sciences) actively made remarkable developments. On the other hand, those who did not were on the decline. For example, the Gyodong Yin, Milyang Son, and Neungseong Gu clans made remarkable developments. The Gyodong Yin clan produced many great landlords, capitalists, high-class officers, etc. The Milyang Son, Neungseong Gu, Milyang Bak, and Gigye Yu clans appeared as leading figures on an economic basis. These clans actively accepted new learning, actively coped with exporting rice to Japan, and appeared as small, medium, or big landlords. Moreover, these people cooperated with the Joseon Government-General with a certain degree in the growing process.<BR> In the Colonial Era. Dangjin was divided into three districts: Dangjin-myeon, Hapdeok-myeon, and Myeoncheon-myeon. Dangjin-rnyeon was a political center while the Hapdeok district was an economic and social-movement center. In the Hapdeok district, Sinpyeong, Beomcheon, and Hapdeok-myeons were considered the most active places for youth and tenant farming movements in Chungnam. Most social movement leaders in Dangjin-gun were born in a middle (or lower) class and educated in a new school system. They lead youth, tenant farming, co-op, and Singanhoe movements. These social movement activists played a role in cooperation with the Seoul Youth Association group. Some Cheondogyo (Religion of the Heavenly Way) and Christian believers participated in the movements. However, police oppression continually collapsed the movements.<BR> When the Preparatory Committee for Founding Joseon and the People’s Committee were formed after the liberation from Japan, the leading figures included many socialists from Hapdeok and its vicinity. For instance, Bae Giyeong was one of them. After the United States Administration of Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) gained power, they were arrested. Rightists who were fostered by the USAMGIK, such as right-wing youth organizations and parties, held power with the police. When the Korean War broke out, leftists dominated Dangjin temporarily. But the leftists’ world lasted only for two months. During the war, the bloody revenge starting from the murder of the Bodo Federation (Anti-Communism Group) claimed many victims. Both leftists and rightists were affected. Especially in the Hapdeok district many socialists, Cheondogyo believers, and Christians were affected. In addition, the Milyang Son clan of Godae-myeon, the Gyodong Yin clan of Seokmun-myeon, and the Neungseong Gu clan were affected to a considerable degree.<BR> Newly emerging clans in late Modern times still showed strength. In the 1950s, after the Korean War, Yin Taesik from the Yin clan was elected congressman consecutively in the 3rd and the 4th Parliamentary Elections. Son Yongbok from the Son clan was the chief of Godae-myeon for 14 years. Bak families who were big landlords in Hapdeok kept the position of myeon chief all through the 1950s.<BR> There were a considerable number of local elites who became myeon-clerks, chiefs, and members of the Provincial Council after the Japanese Colonial Era or who became members of the right youth associations, myeon chiefs, or the Provincial Council. Most of them were born common people, especially to the farmer and trader classes. Personal efforts made them local elites. They actively adopted modern education, and tried to grow into local elites through positions like myeon clerks and chiefs. After the liberation, they were on the rightists’ side actively participating in right-wing youth associations and parties in the middle of left/right confrontation and became local elites.

The Deep Structure of Confucianism: A social psychological approach

The deep structure of Confucianism is identified through structuralist analysis in order to provide a conceptual framework for conducting social psychological research in Chinese society. Through understanding and imitating the Way of Heaven (tiendao), Confucians constructed the Way of Humanity (rendao), which consists of two aspects; ethics for ordinary people and ethics for scholars. Ethics for ordinary people adopts the principle of Respecting the Superior for procedural justice and the principle of Favouring the Intimate for distributive justice; the person who occupies the superior position should play the role of decision-maker and should allocate resources by favouring intimate relationships. Because Confucian cosmology suggests that the Way of Humanity corresponds to the Way of Heaven, Confucians required individuals to cultivate themselves with the Way of Humanity. Ethics for scholars further endows Confucian disciples with the mission of benefiting the whole society with the Way of Humanity.

Opening the Wilderness for the Way of Heaven: A Chinese New Religion in the Greater Vancouver Area

(2000). Opening the Wilderness for the Way of Heaven: A Chinese New Religion in the Greater Vancouver Area. Journal of Chinese Religions: Vol. 28, No. 1, pp. 127-144.

The Fourth-Century B. C. Guodiann Manuscripts from Chuu and the Composition of the Laotzyy

The Guodiann manuscripts consist of seven hundred thirty bamboo strips with legibly written texts found in a tomb near the ancient capital of Chuu, in modern Hwubeei province. They date from about 300 B.C. and include thirteen different texts, as identified by modern Chinese scholars. The content includes about forty percent of the received text of the Laotzyy spread over three separate manuscripts. The shortest of these also includes two heretofore unknown pieces, one a cosmogonic account identifying Tay I as the creator and the other a cosmological text on the Way of Heaven. The text we know as the transmitted Laotzyy is not represented integrally in the Guodiann materials; rather we have in these strips a large part of the individual passages out of which the transmitted Laotzyy must later have arisen.

Chinese Religions (review)

418 China Review International: Vol. 2, No. 2, Fall 1995© 1995 by University ofHawai'i Press farm while in retirement in New Jersey. Since he is in his nineties and still in good health, he indulges himself a little by talking about the secrets of his long life. This is a credible memoir. Chen was at the center ofmany turbulent events. Yet despite the bitter experiences he suffered at times, he does not write with bitterness about them. While he writes with candor and clarity, he is restrained and could have said more about the inner politics of the GMD. Students ofmodern China will find his memoir interesting reading. The book will be particularly useful to graduate students because ofthe introduction and the extensive notes based on exhaustive research, drawing on primary and secondary sources, by the editors , who have also provided a select bibliography and a substantial glossary. Edmund S. K. Fung University ofWestern Sydney, Nepean Julia Ching. Chinese Religions. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1993. XV, 275 pp. Paperback $18.95. This is a comprehensive history of Chinese religions that covers everything from prehistory and antiquity to foreign religions and prospects for the present and future . At every major point it compares the Chinese tradition with the Hebrew and Christian, and discusses as well Chinese influence on the religions of Korea and Japan. Its terms are carefully defined, and it includes a good bibliography. It is very much a book written by a fine research scholar who is also an experienced teacher. Professor Ching is best known for her work on the history of Chinese philosophy and on comparisons of Chinese and Christian thought, and both of these topics are emphasized in the present book. Indeed, the strongest chapters are those that deal with the religious dimensions of Chinese philosophy (chapters 3, 4, 5, and 9) and with Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, Judaism, Islam (chapter 10), and Christianity (chapter 11) in China. These chapters in particular are worth review by China specialists who may not be aware ofrecent research on these topics . Professor Ching's training in the Christian tradition is particularly helpful in her discussions ofwhether Confucius was a "prophet" (pp. 65-67) and ofparallels between Mencius' positive view ofhuman nature and the views of Greek Christian theologians such as Gregory ofNyssa (p. 77). Professor Ching concludes that the insistence within Confucianism on "the priority ofthe way of Heaven" Reviews 419 and on "self-transcendence" indicates that this tradition remains "religious at its core" (p. 84). Another strong point ofthis book is the discussion of the role ofwomen and female deities in antiquity (pp. 46-48), Daoism (pp. 95-96), Buddhism (pp. 147148 ), popular religion (pp. 219), and in connection with other topics as well. Nonetheless, as is inevitable in a book with such a wide scope, there are a few problems as well. The otherwise admirable discussion ofChinese philosophy is marred at one point by the use of the outdated term "Neo-Taoism" (pp. 96-101) to refer to such third- and fourth-century a.d. philosophers as Wang Bi and Guo Xiang. Since the new Daoist religion, the teaching of "the newly appeared Lord Lao," was developing at that same time, it is confusing to use "Neo-Taoism" to refer to contemporary philosophy. In any case, the philosophers ofthis period wrote commentaries on the I-jingand Lun-yu as well as the Lao-zi and Zhuang-zi, so it is difficult and perhaps not necessary to try to encompass their thought in a single term. The larger problem here is the extent to which Chinese Religions is a review of the history of Chinese philosophy, including Neo-Confucianism, a story often told elsewhere, though usually without the same focus on religious dimensions. Despite its valiant attempt to discuss a wide variety of topics, the discussion in this book remains weighted toward intellectual history. Thus, for example, there is no discussion reflecting the recent research ofAnna Seidel and of Donald Harper on exorcism and views ofthe afterlife in the Warring States and Han periods , research important for our understanding ofboth early common religious traditions and antecedents ofDaoist religion.1 Wang Chong's valuable testimony about the state ofreligious...

Natural Law and Mechanical Engineering

The first technological revolution, in the fourth millennium BC, was followed by immense social progress. The second revolution, which is now taking place, could lead to an even greater development in the human sciences, by setting men free from their daily struggle for existence while simultaneously exacting high social standards. Natural law - the “marriage between the ways of heaven and the ways of earth” of the Chinese - represents a route to such progress. In natural science and technology, natural law demands that conclusions be based on observation rather than speculation. The social sciences would do well to follow this example.

Sui Sin Far/Edith Eaton: First Chinese-American Fictionist

Both her photographs and her own testimony seem to indicate that Edith Maud Eaton (1867-1914) could have passed into the majority society with little trouble. Moreover, although her mother was Chinese, Edith was unacquainted with her mother's native language, except for a few phrases, during her early years; in fact, she had very little contact with Asians or Eurasians, except for her own large group of siblings. Yet when she began to publish stories and articles, she chose to write chiefly about China and Chinese-Americans, and she wrote under the nom de plume of Sui Sin Far (occasionally Sui Seen or Sin Fah).2 Such public identification with a group which was treated so contemptuously in America (as her autobiography vividly depicts) must be attributed to her allegiance to the principle of Confucius who taught 'The way of sincerity is the way of heaven.' 3 Because of her integrity, Sui Sin Far earned the encomium, of the first to speak for an AsianAmerican sensibility that was neither Asian or white American.4 She was not a great writer; she has only one book (a collection of her stories) to her credit, but her attempts deserve recognition. She tells us that, after she began to write, she met some funny people who advised her to distance herself from reality. She scoffs:

Cho'e Che-u's Tonghak Doctrine: It's Sources and Meanings, 1860-1864

CHO'E CHE-U'S TONGHAK DOCTRINE: IT'S SOURCES AND MEANINGS, 1860-1864¦----by Key Ray Chong Texas Tech, University The Tonghak doctrine known as "Eastern Learning" has undergone a series ofchanges in both theory and practice since its inception in I860.1 Historically it began as a strictly religious movement whose purpose was to renew or revitalize the forces of the major existing religions (Confucianism, Buddhism , Taoism and shamanism, or traditionalism) by the infusion of Christian doctrine. Tonghak was originally apolitical and neither defied nor rejected the existing political regime. It did not believe that political reform could result in peace of mind for the individual. It encouraged its followers to rely on personal salvation and self-enlightenment, rather than external authority, for the answers to the questions which troubled them. The sources of Tonghak are numerous. Broadly speaking, Tonghak is the 1. Chong-sik Lee, The Politics of Korean Nationalism (The University of California Press, 1965), pp. 19-33. See also Benjamin B. Weems, Reform, Rebellion and the Heavenly Way (The University of Arizona Press, 1964), p. ix: Lee has treated the Tonghak movement as a beginning of Korean nationalism, whereas Weems has regarded the Tonghak doctrine as "quasi-religious ideology," connected with political movements. 71 72/Chong product of the assimilation of Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism and Christianity into the traditional social structure. Consequently it is a very difficult task to define precisely the influence of each of these religions on Tonghak doctrine since an idea borrowed from one religion was frequently blended with a concept adapted from another. The resulting eclecticism or syncretism represents a unique product which no longer can be neatly related to its original source. For example, the term Heaven {ch'ön) originated in Chinese classics or indigenous Korean myths, but it could also refer to a Christian Heaven. In other words, many Tonghak terms or concepts may contain many different connotations going back to both Chinese and Christian sources. Therefore the Tonghak concept ch'ön cannot be entirely Eastern or Western, but a synthesis of both in its meaning as well as origin. For another example, the term Confucianism may mean the philosophy of any Confucianists (Confucius, Mencius, Hsun Tzu, Tung Chung-shu and Wang Yang-ming), or it may mean a combination of two or three of these Confucianists . Likewise the same can apply to Buddhism, Taoism and the like from which Tonghak derives its main ideas. Added to this kind of frustration are the expositions and quotations of certain Tonghak ideas on and/or taken from either Chinese or Christian sources : they are not only unsystematic but also make it difficult to establish conceptual connections between the idea and its source, or the exact origin of the idea within given conceptual framework. Moreover Ch'oe Che-u, the chiefinterpreter ofTonghak doctrine, does not often give any credit for what other thinkers have done, nor does he try, but treats the borrowed ideas as if they were his own. Last, but not least, the study of Tonghak doctrine may further be complicated by our own misunderstanding or distortion of it, resulting from differences in both time and place. Our first question then is how to study such a complicated doctrine as Tonghak. The answer to this question seems to be two-fold: first, one can study Tonghak doctrine with the assumption that "ideas are functions of the persons who express them and the shape that ideas take is relative to the culture and era in which they develop and are used."2 Secondly, it is also possible to examine Tonghak on the grounds that "there are internal standards of validity in the ideas themselves."3 Nevertheless, in many instances, 2.Karl Manheim, Ideology and Utopia: Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge (New York, 1936), p. 50. 3.Max Lerner, Ideas Are Weapons (New York, 1939), p. 8. Tonghak Doctrine/73 these two approaches "seem to overlap and it is difficult to separate one from another. Any idea or doctrine must be considered within the context of the prevailing realities—social, economic, political, cultural or otherwise. But this should not be taken in terms of causes and effects, that is to say...

Reform, Rebellion, and the Heavenly Way. By Benjamin B. Weems. Monographs and Papers of the Association for Asian Studies XV. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1964. 121. Illustrations; Glossary; Bibliography; Index. $3.75.

Reform, Rebellion, and the Heavenly Way. By Benjamin B. Weems. Monographs and Papers of the Association for Asian Studies XV. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1964. 121. Illustrations; Glossary; Bibliography; Index. $3.75.

Reform. Rebellion and the Heavenly Way

Reform. Rebellion and the Heavenly Way

Reform, Rebellion, and the Heavenly Way.

Reform, Rebellion, and the Heavenly Way.