Wartime Control Research Articles

Elite Coalitions and Rebel Control in Northern Côte d’Ivoire

ABSTRACT How do armed movements gain civilian compliance and prevent counter-mobilization in localities under their wartime control? This paper argues that rebel capacity to control civilians is contingent on the coalitions formed between rebel mid-level commanders and elite groups embedded in local communities. Rebels are confronted with coalitional choices because local communities are contested and comprised of multiple sets of elite groups. Coalitional choices influence rebel control because they determine whether rebels ally with strong or weak local partners. Where rebel allies are weak, they should confront serious challenges to eliciting civilian compliance. Where rebel allies are stronger, rebels should confront less resistance. I argue that the availability of elites as potential allies for armed movements depends on their pre-conflict proximity to the state. This paper develops this argument through a comparison of three localities governed by the Forces Nouvelles (FN) in Côte d’Ivoire (2002–2011).

A Troubled Alliance: Sino-British Conflicts over Tibet 1941–1945

The Pacific War was an important phase in the Sino-Tibet-Britain relationship but has not been fully analysed from a Chinese-British archival perspective. Through an analysis of some of the key events of the period, such as the negotiations over the vital Tibetan supply line, the nature of the Chinese military threat to Tibet, and the struggle to influence the Tibetan elites, the article illustrates how the war complicated the dispute over Tibet and exacerbated suspicions and tensions in the region. The war also delivered some far-reaching impacts on the future Sino-Tibetan and Sino-Indian relations: Britain’s wartime control of the disputed Assam Himalayas, later inherited by India, facilitated independent India’s claim to these territories and remains a source of conflict today.

Epidemiology of 2019 novel coronavirus in Jiangsu Province, China after wartime control measures: A population-level retrospective study.

BackgroundA novel coronavirus emerged in China in December 2019, and human-to-human transmission was previously identified. This study aimed to compare the epidemiological characteristics in Jiangsu Province and assess whether so-called wartime control measures changed the trend of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) in the province.MethodsEpidemiological data were obtained from the websites of China's Bureau of Health and the People's Government of Jiangsu Province and informal online sources from January 22 to February 20, 2020.ResultsThe cumulative number of patients in Jiangsu Province (over 79 million people) was 613. The number of daily confirmed new cases reached the inflection point on January 31 with the maximum of 39 cases. The temporal number of patients peaked from January 29 to February 9. The proportion of confirmed cases who were residents or travelers to Hubei Province was 100.0%–58.8% before January 31 and then gradually declined. The proportion of close contacts increased gradually from January 27 to February 17. The geographical distribution of COVID-2019 cases showed that all 13 cites reported confirmed new cases after only five days of the first confirmed new case in Suzhou. The cases were concentrated in Nanjing, Suzhou, and Xuzhou with a high population density (over eight million people). The epidemiological features of COVID-2019 cases in Wuxi, Jiangsu showed that seven confirmed cases were tourists from others areas beyond Hubei Province. The longest incubation period of COVID-2019 was 19 days based on the onset of laboratory-confirmed cases.ConclusionThe number of daily confirmed new cases in Jiangsu Province peaked around January 31 and then declined. This result emphasized that wartime control measures, such as putting cities on lockdown to limit population mobility in Jiangsu Province, resulted in dramatic reductions in COVID-19 cases.

Cocoa Marketing Board and the Sustainable Cocoa Economy in Colonial Nigeria

The Nigeria Cocoa Marketing Board was a post-war arrangement aimed at continuing the war-time control on cocoa trade in West Africa. Besides trade arrangements, the Board got involved in the improvement and sustainability of the cocoa industry in Nigeria. This point has either been missed out or mentioned only in passing by the hitherto existing literature on the subject. This is due to the concentration by scholars on the discussion of price stabilization and fiscal roles of the board, which in turn is due partly to the dominance of economists in the analysis of the subject. This study seeks to fill this knowledge gap by examining the contributions of the Nigeria Cocoa Marketing board to the development and sustainability of the cocoa economy in colonial Nigeria. The board intervened in the areas of disease control, cocoa and soil survey, rehabilitation of infected areas, quality assurance, and research into the economy of cocoa industry. Archival sources provided data for this analysis. It is a contribution to knowledge in the areas of the colonial economy, marketing boards, and the cocoa industry.

The Trends of the Department Store Industry under the Wartime Control Economy

이 논문은 전시통제경제하에서 백화점이 배급통제정책의 전개과정에 어떻게 대응하였으며, 총동원체제 구축에 따라 백화점업계가 어떤 모습으로 변화해 갔 는지를 검토한 연구이다. 1930년대 백화점업계는 치열한 경쟁 속에서 첨단의 광고와 선전 기법을 활용 해 소비심리를 자극하고 유행을 전파하여 ‘유행제조소’로서의 명성을 높이고 갖 가지 영업전술을 기반으로 성장을 거듭해오고 있었다. 그런데 중일전쟁을 계기로 전시통제경제가 전개되면서 여기에 크게 영향을 받았다. ‘사치품금지령’이 실 시되면서 백화점의 주요 취급상품이던 사치품의 판매가 금지되었고, 중소상업문 제가 심각해지면서 백화점의 영업을 규제해야 한다는 목소리가 고조되었다. 이 에 따라 총독부 관료와 재계 대표, 백화점업계 대표로 구성된 백화점위원회가 조 직되어 백화점 영업의 통제에 나섰다. 전시통제경제하에서도 총독부 관료와 독 점자본간의 유착관계를 기반으로 형성된 ‘자치통제’ 시스템이 강고하게 작용하고 있었던 것이다. 이에 따라 백화점들의 영업성적은 전시기에 들어서도 오히려 개 선되고 있었다. 한편, 일제는 배급통제정책의 진전에 따라 백화점에게 생필품 공급기관으로서 의 역할을 부여했다. 이에 따라 조선백화점조합이 결성되고 백화점들이 공동으 로 경영하는 배급회사가 조직되었다. 전쟁의 전개양상이 태평양전쟁으로 확대되면서 백화점의 변모양상은 더욱 가속화하였다. 기존의 고급사치품을 판매하면서 만들어졌던 ‘사치의 전당’이라는 이미지는 배급통제정책을 일선에서 구현하는 일 용필수품 배급기관으로 바뀌었고, 백화점이 집객을 위해 가지고 있던 전시기능 과 광고기능은 사용 목적이 바뀌어 일제의 총동원정책을 선전하는 수단으로 변 질되었다. 기존에 사적 이윤을 추구하는 자유주의 경영이념은 ‘공익’을 우선하는 국가주의 경영이념으로 대체되어 갔다.

Changes in the Business Environment under the Wartime Control Economy and the Response of the Gyeongseong (Keijō) Electric Co.

Using the case study of the Gyeongseong (Keij?) Electric Co., this study examines how individual enterprises responded to the changes in the management environment during the era of wartime control. In the aftermath of the onset of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, the Government-General of Joseon established urban plans for the Gyeong-In area that consisted of developing it into a center of the munitions industry, and emphasized the role of Joseon as a military supply and forward base for operations on the mainland. The Gyeongseong Electric Co. responded to the policy of the Government-General of Joseon by rapidly increasing facility investment. The necessary funds were secured through loans from financial institutions and the issuing of corporate bonds. As such, the principle of sound management based on a refusal to introduce loans, a principle which had been maintained since the late 1910s, was effectively abandoned. On the other hand, the Gyeongseong Electric Co. also underwent a great change in its management structure as a result of the Government-General of Joseons national electric power management policy. The conclusion of the purchase of Shunsen (Chuncheon) Electric Co. and of the long-delayed merger with the Kong?san Electric Railway Co. made possible by the governments policy of integrating power distribution companies allowed the Gyeongseong Electric Co. to become a company that was engaged in the generation, transmission, and distribution of power. The business of the Gyeongseong Electric Co. was as such further diversified to include electricity, transport, gas, and railways. In terms of the ownership structure of the Gyeongseong Electric Co., the national financial agency came to exercise strengthened influence; moreover, individuals from the Government-General of Joseon, national financial agency, and the Kong?san Electric Railway Co. were appointed to the core management group. It was against this backdrop that the Gyeongseong Electric Co. cooperated with the Government-General of Joseon in the establishment of a mobilization system, and adopted the state-based enterprise management philosophy characterized by the prioritization of the public interest and selfless devotion to the country.

Globalization and Ideology

The convergence argument in the debate on globalization regards globalization as a structural change. Globalization, however, is as much a structural change as a social construction - an imagined order of the future that involves value judgment and an ideological stand. Through an analysis of the ideological conflicts in the politics of Japan's national response to the challenge of globalization, the article shows that the convergence argument is being challenged on four specific issues in Japan: the universal model of market economy conflicts with the search for national identity; the big bang strategy that asserts a radical turnover of the national economic system is discredited by the holistic view of the economy that emphasizes the social embeddedness of the economic system; the new interpretation of the Japanese economic system as a product of wartime control contradicts the widely held image of postwar Japan as a democratic country; and the efficiency principle for future economic governance is challenged by the established norms concerning equality. This study indicates that the convergence argument in the debate on globalization faces strong resistance from the deeply institutionalized beliefs in the national economic system.

Influence without power: the last Khedive of Egypt and the great powers, 1914–18

One of the few remaining mysteries of World War I in the Middle East is why the last Ottoman viceroy in Egypt, the Khedive Abbas Hilmi II, deposed by Britain in December 1914, remained during much of the war the object of substantial attention lavished on him by the Great Powers of Europe. The popular postwar view of Abbas Hilmi was that of an incompetent and corrupt former Muslim ruler, stripped of his power and made harmless to Britain's wartime control over Egypt, mainly because he acted during the war for no ideological purpose, but instead for his own 'personal position'.' Little doubt exists that personal and dynastic ambitions served as the driving forces for the ex-Khedive's actions. However, a study of European archives reveals that during the war the Great Powers treated Abbas Hilmi as an influential player in Middle Eastern politics. Britain, Germany, Austria and the Ottoman Empire nearly always viewed the Khedive as either potentially powerful or useful to them. In return, he saw the Great Powers in the same light. The example of the ex-Khedive's wartime relations to the Great Powers illustrates in a major way the different and competing interests of the Powers in the Middle East as well as the opportunity for Muslim leaders in the region to exploit such differences, even occasionally to the leaders' advantage. The Ottoman interest in Abbas Hilmi stemmed mainly from his pre-war involvement with the Arabs and from the Ottoman desire to recapture complete control of Egypt and replace him as Khedive with someone wholly loyal to the Sublime Porte. But the interest of Britain, Germany and Austria in him resulted more from their perception of his worth to them in Egypt and among Orientals exiled in Europe and from their wish to keep him from joining the enemy side in the war. Great Power regard for the Khedive long predated the world war. Historians have emphasized how the Vienna-educated Abbas, following his accession to the Khedivat as a twenty-two-year-old in January 1892, desired to rid Egypt of British control and free the country of Ottoman suzerainty. The young Khedive, who possessed no political or military means to achieve his ambition of personal autonomy from both Britain and the sultan,

O. Nagashima, The History about the Formation of the Wartime Control of Japanese Iron and Steel Industry

O. Nagashima, The History about the Formation of the Wartime Control of Japanese Iron and Steel Industry

The Reading Campaign under Wartime Control

The Reading Campaign under Wartime Control

Industrial Allocation of Funds under Wartime Control : financial aspects of the "Reinforcement of Production Capacity" policy during the Chino-Japanese War 1937-1941

Industrial Allocation of Funds under Wartime Control : financial aspects of the "Reinforcement of Production Capacity" policy during the Chino-Japanese War 1937-1941

Food and Agriculture in Britain, 1939-45: Aspects of Wartime Control

Food and Agriculture in Britain, 1939-45: Aspects of Wartime Control

Food and Agriculture in Britain, 1939-1945; Aspects of Wartime Control

Food and Agriculture in Britain, 1939-1945; Aspects of Wartime Control

Wartime Control of Tin in Great Britain, 1939-41

Previous articleNext article No AccessWartime Control of Tin in Great Britain, 1939-41Leo FishmanLeo Fishman Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of Political Economy Volume 54, Number 5Oct., 1946 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/256400 Views: 5Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1946 The University of Chicago PressPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:John Hillman Bolivia and British Tin Policy, 1939–1945, Journal of Latin American Studies 22, no.1-21-2 (Feb 2009): 289–315.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022216X00015467

Lessons of War‐Time Control of Meat and Livestock

Lessons of War‐Time Control of Meat and Livestock

Price Regulation in the Paper Industry

The industry: definition, 194; characteristics, 195; structure, 196; economies of scale, 197. — Price regulation from World War I to the N.R.A.: newsprint, 198; book paper, 200; other branches, 201. — Price regulation during the N.R.A.: the newsprint code, 203; the general paper code, 204. — Price regulation after the N.R.A.: prewar developments, 206; war-time control, 210. — Summary, 211. — Some pertinent questions: restriction of price competition, 212; effects of price competition, 215; public policy, 216.

Post-War Bread in Britain

THE Ministry of Food, in collaboration with the Health and other Departments interested, has arranged a conference with the industrial and trade organizations principally concerned with post-war bread. It is hoped that the discussions of the conference will assist the Departments in advising Ministers on post-war flour and bread policy and in particular on any regulations which may have to be made after war-time control ends. The milling and baking industries, the flour importing trade and the co-operative movement have been asked to nominate representatives to the conference; invitations will be addressed to other interests later as may be necessary. The conference will be attended by the Lord Horder (personal adviser to the Minister of Food on medical aspects of food problems), Sir Jack Drummond (scientific adviser to the Ministry of Food), Sir Wilson Jameson (chief medical officer of the Ministry of Health), Dr. Andrew Davidson (chief medical officer for the Department of Health for Scotland) and Sir Edward Mellanby (secretary of the Medical Research Council). In addition, there will be present administrative officers representing the Ministry of Food, the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries and the Ministry of Health. Sir Henry French, the permanent secretary of the Ministry of Food, will be the chairman of the conference.

Fayolism as the Necessary Complement of Taylorism

World War II has called forth greater organizational and administrative efforts than ever before on the part of the armed forces, private industry, and government. The sheer size of the new organizations that were formed to fight battles, manufacture matériel, and administer government programs has intensified the problems of top management and executive control, as well as the technical problems of military operations, supply, and industrial production. Great dynamic changes in society always afford occasion for reappraising basic philosophies, and these significant changes in the scope and scale of our great enterprises are no exception. The field of management is perhaps less spectacular, less open to popular discussion than are the issues of foreign policy and of government participation in the national economy. But effective management of our enterprise is of fundamental importance to a successful conclusion of the war and subsequent maintenance of peace. The demands of the war on the home front have stimulated much re-thinking of the theories of government and business administration. This article is concerned with the relation between the basic theories of two of the greatest contributors to the field of management—Frederick Taylor and Henri Fayol.We all know what the task of organizing for war has been during the past four years. Arms production of undreamed of magnitude had to be developed in a matter of months. To produce the vast number of planes, tanks, and ships, new enterprises sprang up over night and existing ones expanded to many times their original size. Similarly, the federal government, in addition to creating tremendous staffs in the War and Navy Departments, had to develop quickly “administrative leviathans” to control prices and ration goods, allocate industrial production, and direct the production and distribution of foods. War-time control had to be exercised to an unprecedented degree, frequently for hitherto unregulated matters, in connection with oil, censorship, transportation, manpower, and the like. Besides a need for more technical personnel in industrial production, there developed a need for people able to organize and direct large new enterprises.

Wage Stabilization in Agriculture

WO years have gone by since the passage by Congress of the Stabilization Act of 1942, designed to stabilize wages and prices. During that time much has been heard of the impact of this legislation upon industrial laborers and their employers. Its bearing upon farm labor, on the other hand, has received little attention. The farm wage stabilization program is of interest, not merely as a phase of war-time control of prices and wages, but as a demonstration of the difficulties of including farm wages in any scheme of wage regulation. The large number of small enterprises, the wide variety in working conditions and in methods and amounts of payment, the lack of representative associations of employers and employees able to enter into and maintain contracts, and to furnish representatives to wage boards, create formidable obstacles. It is these, undoubtedly, which have led to the exemption of farm labor from most existing federal legislation relating to wages and working conditions, such as the Fair Labor Standards Act, the National Labor Relations Act and the Social Security Act. It is worthy of note that in the few states in which farm wage ceilings have been established, the primary motive has been a desire, not to prevent inflation, but to eliminate certain causes of confusion and inefficiency in the farm labor market. From November 1942, when farm wage control was placed under the Secretary of Agriculture, until the following August, only one wage ceiling, covering five counties, was established. Through this experiment farmers became aware that in the wage stabilization machinery they had a means of preventing the spiralling of wages, eliminating labor pirating and lowering the turnover of labor. Consequently, four additional ceilings-three in California and one in Florida-were instituted. During the second year under the Wage Stabilization Act, the rapid rise of agricultural wage rates continued. There were protests from packing houses that high farm wages made it impossible to keep sufficient labor. in the sheds, where wages were prevented from rising by the War Labor Board. In some instances, high farm wages gave rise to requests to OPA for higher prices of farm products. Wage ceilings, however, were still not set primarily as a means of checking inflation, but only at the request

The influence of war-time milling control on the composition, digestibility and nutritive value of the wheaten offals

The investigations described in this paper are concerned with the influence of the various war-time changes in milling practice on the composition, digestibility and nutritive value, both for ruminants, and pigs, of the wheaten milling offals. The need for obtaining a larger output of flour for human consumption led to the raising of the rate of flour extraction from 70 to 75 % at an early stage of the war, and this was increased further to 85% with the introduction of the ‘national wheat-meal loaf’ in 1942. Two grades of wheaten offals only were marketed at this stage of the war—fine bran and coarse bran. Early in 1943 it became permissible to incorporate a proportion of rye, barley or de-husked oats in the wheat before milling. It was considered unlikely that the inclusion of rye or de-husked oats would exert any adverse influence on the nutritive value of the milling offals. When barley is used to dilute the wheat, however, the husk from this grain finds its way into the offals, and it was therefore to be anticipated that the presence of the barley husk would cause the fibre content of the offals to be raised and their nutritive value to be lowered. Authority has been given for the use of a grist that will give rise to a flour containing up to 10% of barley flour, but at the time of writing it would appear that, in actual practice, flour millers have not exceeded 10% of barley in the grist itself.