War Relief Research Articles

At (Red) cross purposes: American Red Cross humanitarian ‘arrogance’ and France’s Great War relief and reconstruction, 1917–20

ABSTRACT Directors of American Red Cross (ARC) 1917–20 French civilian relief electively addressed and ignored France’s First World War-triggered needs. ARC leaders’ programmes during the organization’s three-year period of active French service voluntarily embraced and discarded Francophile policies endorsed by their subordinates, their colleagues and their superiors. ARC wartime assistance allotments increasingly, and sometimes perplexingly, favoured US servicemen over French non-combatants. Post-War ARC aid allocations deliberately advanced embryonic Eastern European activity over enduring and extensive known and indefinite French privations. ARC executives even periodically proposed and imposed orders that made France and its people unwitting underwriters of the American Red Cross’ focus on Eastern Europe, even as that process expressly reduced French civilian aid. Their self-confident, repeated and arbitrary conduct vis-à-vis Great War-afflicted French non-combatants advanced ARC purposes at Frenchmen’s expense. It thus meets current definitions of ‘arrogant’ humanitarianism.

„CĂ ESTE CATOLICĂ ESTE GRAV, DAR SĂ FIE DIN STATELE UNITE E DEJA PREA MULT”: INTERACȚIUNI UMANITARE ȘI NEGOCIERI POLITICE ÎNTRE STAT ȘI „CATHOLIC WAR RELIEF SERVICES” (CWRS) ÎN ROMÂNIA ANILOR ’40

The present text discusses the interactions between the Romanian Communist state and the Roman Catholic Church, especially the United States’ „Catholic War Relief Services”. Based on documents from the Vatican Apostolic Archives, the text shows that, despite the convoluted anti-American and anti-Catholic narratives envisaged by the Romanian communists and the official government propaganda, in late 1940s through tough negotiations, un-orthodox practices, and even blackmail, American Catholic prelates could still score victories over the government in their humanitarian and pastoral work.

The Specifics of Home Practice of Social Work in the Works of Alice Masaryková and Helena Radlińska

Cross-border cooperation has been considered an essential element in the development of professional social work and its education since its beginnings in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Many social work pioneers promoted the principles of peace, war relief, human rights and international cooperation in dealing with social problems. In Central Europe, there was on the one hand an acceptance of diversity and different national traditions, and on the other hand a series of integration activities aimed at developing transnational common standards. Since the beginning of the 20th century, Alice Masaryková from Czechoslovakia and Helena Radlińska from Poland had been central figures in the professionalization of social work and social pedagogy in Central Europe. While Alice based social work mainly on sociology, Helena based it on social pedagogy. The aim of this article is to identify and search for the specifics and diversity of historical development and subsequent international dissemination of ideas and practices of professional social work and social pedagogy through the figures of Alice Masaryková and Helena Radlińska.

In Then Out of the Frame

From June 1918 to April 1919, the American social photographer Lewis Hine made photographs of refugees in Europe. Refugees emerged as an unexpectedly humanitarian subject during World War I. Care for them was part of the American Red Cross’ (ARC) overall war relief activities, which Hine was hired to visually record. In this paper, I present the way in which refugees went from being framed in the ARC’s mass-circulated popular Red Cross Magazine as unique, innocent, idealized war-affected civilians to eventually being visually displaced in a shifting humanitarian landscape. For refugees who were, by 1920, making their way across the ocean to North America, visual displacement from the humanitarian visual sphere was tantamount to territorial displacement. Anxieties and negative rhetoric of the unassimilated alien prevailed, resulting in the temporary ‘closure’ of America’s borders and the ARC’s growing American-centric relief activities. Entwined with anti-Bolshevism, American immigration, and isolationist politics of the early twentieth century, Hine’s photographs and the ARC’s role in contributing to humanitarian photography are an early example of a rise and fall in sympathies towards refugees that would continue throughout the century.

A nest for new Lithuanians: Hostels, discipline and nation-building in Ober Ost and Russia, 1914–1919

World War I represented a turning point not only for the emergence of the Lithuanian nation-state but also for the implementation of nation-building practices. Throughout wartime, the Lithuanian War Relief Committee profited from its position as a tool to develop a network of facilities devoted to children assistance. While having unprecedented rights to autonomously administer relief facilities, the Committee, as far as financial conditions allowed it, supported isolation in hostels as the favourite child relief format. Through formal and informal educational activities as well as the adoption of particular hygiene norms and, later, children relocation, the Lithuanian élite tried and transformed hostels and relief in veritable tools of nation-building aimed at transforming children in would-be conscious nationals. The goal to create prototypical Lithuanians, however, at least partially failed due by children’s alternative (if not opposite) agency.

Landscape approach to conservation of the Great Patriotic War heritage in Ugra national park

The Ugra National Park is experiencing a landscape museum formation, based on a system of memorial trails. They cover holistic military-historical, and events’ 91 landscape complexes, characterizing the most important objects and episodes of hostilities of 1941–1943: from Soviet bases and a field airfield on the Ugra River to the command post of the Western Front. On the basis of the well-preserved "war relief," archival documents, use of authentic materials, various fortifications are restored in the park and excursion routes are arranged.

Repairing the Spirit: The Society of Friends, Total War, and the Limits of Reconciliation

This article investigates specific Quaker war relief and reconciliation projects among prisoners of war during and after World War I in Europe. The Friends’ efforts emphasized the individual face and experience of suffering—of seeing the victims as human—and provided a powerful model for reconciliation in the wake of devastating violence. Their deeply radical notion of having war victims helps war victims in order to reconcile enemies became central to the Friends’ relief projects and their lived values as pacifists. This approach could not easily be scaled up to meet the societal/structural/institutional power changes required after the war, especially as more workers joined the effort, sometimes from quite different backgrounds than the original Quaker volunteers. Through a sometimes painful process of small successes and failures, the Friends moved away from their early vision of reconciliation work toward cooperation with large‐scale professionalized postwar food aid programs, thereby ensuring their future viability in relief work.

An Education in Black Women's Activism

An Education in Black Women's Activism John Frederick Bell (bio) Kabria Baumgartner, In Pursuit of Knowledge: Black Women and Educational Activism in Antebellum America. New York: New York University Press, 2019. 286 pages. Figures, appendices, notes, bibliography, index. $35.00. Education has been a civil rights battleground since before the Civil War. From the failure of the New Haven "African College" in 1831 to mob attacks on the Canterbury Female Seminary in 1833 and the Noyes Academy in 1835 to the Roberts desegregation case in 1849, contests over access to schooling and higher learning helped define the northern Black freedom struggle. After abolition itself, the right to education was a chief priority for African American reformers. For many Black leaders, the issue was personal. Encountering racial discrimination as students helped make lifelong activists out of some preeminent abolitionists, including William Howard Day, Henry Highland Garnet, and William Cooper Nell. But if exclusion or expulsion from school is where narratives of Black men's activism begin, it is often where narratives of Black women's activism end. Alexander Crummell is rejected from General Theological Seminary and becomes an exponent of racial self-determination. Rosetta Douglass is ousted from Seward Seminary and becomes a side note in her famous father's biographies. Kabria Baumgartner's In Pursuit of Knowledge gives women like Rosetta Douglass their due. Her monograph, the first book-length treatment of its subject, shows how personal struggles for education inspired and empowered antebellum Black women to demand "equal school rights" for their communities. Prior historians of race, gender, and education in this period have concentrated mainly on African American alumnae of Oberlin College who hailed primarily from the West and South. Baumgartner shifts the focus to student and teacher activists in the Northeast. Some of the characters in this book—Sarah Mapps Douglass, Charlotte Forten, Sarah Parker Remond—will be familiar to historians of Black abolitionism. Others like Ursula James, Rosetta Morrison, and Eunice Ross likely will not. Together, these women's school experiences and subsequent teaching careers form the connective tissue of Baumgartner's narrative, which she divides into two parts. The first half examines private female seminaries, while the second analyzes public [End Page 531] schools, specifically in Massachusetts. The author's fastidious research yields a wealth of new information about the Black student experience in each of these settings. Baumgartner uses these findings to demonstrate the crucial role Black women played in making education integral to the fight for civil rights. Collectively, they deployed their own brand of social protest, an "ethic of Christian love," which set them apart from vicious adversaries and steeled them against retribution (p. 16). While its contributions are singular, In Pursuit of Knowledge is indebted to pathbreaking works of historians like Jane Dabel, Erica Armstrong Dunbar, and Martha S. Jones, whose influence Baumgartner acknowledges. Starting in the late 1990s, these and other scholars began re-envisioning the history of Black protest in the antebellum North by placing African American women at its center. Their research recovered female participation in political entities more often associated with Black men, such as fraternal orders, vigilance committees, and Colored Conventions. But their histories also recognized the myriad other institutions of civil society through which African American women shaped public culture, from church auxiliaries and schools to lyceums and literary associations, mutual aid circles, war relief agencies, and antislavery societies. Confronting intersecting forms of racial and gender prejudice, Black women displayed their respectability through these private organizations and then used that authority to agitate publicly for racial equality and women's rights. Not all of their advocacy was discursive, however. Carol Lasser describes how African American women at Oberlin College "shaped their lives themselves as texts" and "performed the abolition for which others argued" through their daily pursuits of education, piety, and refinement.1 Likewise, Erica Ball highlights Black women's (and men's) efforts "to live an antislavery life" by approaching every aspect of their private lives in light of the freedom struggle.2 Collectively, these scholars not only reoriented a historiography that had privileged men's activism, they also revised the definition of "activism" itself to account for the unique situation of African...

The National Committee of the American Slav Congress as a Partner of the Soviet Union during World War II

The article is devoted to the history of the largest political organization among the Slavic diasporas of the United States — the American Slav Congress (ASC), created in 1942, its structure, activities, ideology, relations with the Soviet Union, primarily with the All-Slavic Committee. ASC’s activities during World War II consisted of propaganda actions in support of Second front opening as fast as possible, of liberation of Slavic peoples and restoration of sovereign national states in Central and Southeast Europe, in support of F. D. Roosevelt’s 1944 presidential campaign, of collecting war relief for the USSR and the Allied forces in Europe. ASC also called for increasing war production and non-admission of strikes. From J. V. Stalin’s point of view, Slavic movement after the end of World War II should have remained anti-German. The American Slav Congress had been supporting Soviet foreign policy at the expense of several Slav organizations, first of all Polish American, leaving the ASC.

The ‘merciful and loving sex’: Concepción Arenal’s narratives on Spanish Red Cross women’s war relief work in the 1870s

ABSTRACTSpain signed the Geneva Convention in 1864 and the Spanish Red Cross Society (SRC) was established in July of that year. Yet, only after 1870 the SRC revived and quickly expanded, forming local and provincial committees as well as ladies' sections. This revival mostly resulted from, first, the activation of humanitarian sensibilities and networks on the occasion of the Franco-Prussian war (1870–1871), and then, the general mobilization of the SRC in reaction to the Carlist war of 1872–1876. This article examines the humanitarian work of Spanish women throughout this period through the intervention of the SRC ladies' sections, especially the central one. It reveals that these women played a crucial role in organizing, deploying and sustaining its humanitarian relief to the combatants. They empowered themselves by taking advantage of, and contributing to, the spreading of a view of women – very common at the time – as having a specific gender ‘instinct’ that made them ‘naturally’ suited to charitable and compassionate tasks. Pacifism is present in the humanitarian views and practices of these women, particularly in the case of Concepción Arenal (1820–1893), a social reformer, lawyer and writer, who was fully involved with the SRC during the Carlist war.

The Activities of the Polish Section “War Relief Services-National Catholic Welfare Conference” in Great Britain from 10.12.1943 to 31.07.1946

WRS-NCWC Polish Projects activities in Great Britain started at the very moment of the arrival 30 November 1943 of the Rev. A. Wycislo, Delegate of WRS-NCEC, nominated by Executive Committee as Field Director, Polish Projects. Very Bishop J.F. Gawlina immediately created in London an NCWC Polish Projects in Great Britain Committee. Rev. Canon R. Gogolinski-Elston was nominated Secretary of this Central Committee. The common aims of NCWC activities all over the world were directing aims of NCWC Polish Projects in Great Britain Central Committees. The especial aim to have care about the Polish Soldier, his spiritual and moral welfare, and to ensure his cultural and educationall development in a truly Catholic and Polish atmosphere. Rev. Gogolinski-Elston was ordered to start work immediately and already on the 10th of December 1943 the Polish Hearth in Blackpool was taken over, as the first NCWC Centre for Poles in Gt. Britain. On the 12th of December 1943 NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre for Polish University Students was opened in Edinburgh, 15th December an NCWC Polish Air Force Canteen in Blackpool was opend, 24th of December 1943 an NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre for Polish Convalescent Airmen in Blackoop and NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre in Special Secret Duty Detachment in “X” (military secret) were created. Polish Projects in Gt. Britain will be an excellent testimonial to American Catholics with their Bishops, to War Relief Services-National Catholic Welfare Conference, organization with its so effective Executive and Field Director.

The Great War (1914-1918) in Lithuanian Memoirs: Memory Discourses, the Case for Independence and the Forgetfulness

The article analyses memoirs by Lithuanians dealing with the Great War (1914-1918). The events of the early 20th century led to the emergence of Lithuanian independent state. They affected the lives of every Lithuanian, and shaped the most important part of individual and collective memory. Many famous political and cultural figures of that time left behind their memoirs. A variety of memoir literature opens a broad panorama of historical events and personal experiences, expressed in a wide diversity of forms. The article presents examples of the most notable memoirs from different fields. Aleksandras Uspenskis served in the Russian Army, Teodoras Reingardas in the Russian Navy, and Jurgis F. Jonaitis fought on the side of the Entente. The situation in occupied Lithuania is told by such authors as Gabrielė Petkevicaitė-Bitė (from North-Eastern Lithuania), priest Pranciskus Žadeikis (from North-West Lithuania) and Antanas Gintneris (from Southern Lithuania). Priest Pranas Bieliauskas writes about life during the war in Vilnius in his Diary of Vilnius. Memoirs by Martynas Ycas, who was the deputy of the Russian State Duma and a chairman of the Lithuanian War Relief Society, provides a detailed account about lives and affairs of Lithuanians who evacuated to Russia and views of Lithuanian intellectuals on the future of their homeland. The article, using methodological concepts of memory discourses (Maurice Halbwachs, Jan Assmann, Aleida Assmann, and etc.), aims to return this significant part of literature to the horizons of historical and cultural memory, and to analyse the interplay of memory vs. forgetfulness as political and social constructs in the context of historical cataclysms of the 20th century. Keywords: history, the Great War, independence, memory discourses, forgetfulness. DOI: https://doi.org/10.15823/zz.2018.2

Selected Speeches and Writings of Theodore Roosevelt ed. by Gordon Hutner

Reviewed by: Selected Speeches and Writings of Theodore Roosevelt ed. by Gordon Hutner T. J. Vaughan (bio) Selected Speeches and Writings of Theodore Roosevelt Edited by Gordon Hutner. New York: Vintage Books, 2014. 365 pages. $16.95 paperback, $16.95 e-book. No one who ever occupied the White House has been a more prolific writer than Theodore Roosevelt. His collected works encompass many volumes, among them nearly thirty books. His works also include essays, articles, and speeches, not to mention the approximately one hundred thousand letters he wrote. What makes his written work even more remarkable is that he wrote knowledgeably on such a wide range of topics. Compiling a book that is a representative selection of the writings of this son of New York is a formidable, seemingly overwhelming task. Professor Gordon Hutner of the University of Illinois accepted the challenge to winnow the massive quantity of Roosevelt material into a single volume. The result is Selected Speeches and Writings of Theodore Roosevelt, a well-organized and readable gem that provides a perceptive glimpse into this multilayered figure. Among our presidents perhaps only Thomas Jefferson matches the intellectual curiosity of Theodore Roosevelt. While Jefferson's journeys into the cerebral world generally took place in the comfort of his beloved Monticello, Roosevelt was a man of action whose journeys involved travel, observation, and adventure. He was the man in the arena, to use one of his better-known phrases. After all, no one else has been the recipient of both the Congressional Medal of Honor and the Nobel Peace Prize. To capture the essence of this man in just over three hundred pages of prose is no easy task. With so many words attributed to Roosevelt, where does one begin—what is to be included and what is to be excluded? Wisely, Hutner has organized this collection by category. These include culture and society, national politics, campaigns and controversies, observations and travels, biography, history, and arts and letters. Each section includes between two and seven selections taken from Roosevelt's written work. These include speeches and essays as well as excerpts from his books. Each selection is preceded by solid synopsis of the material that invites and encourages the reader to delve into the documents themselves to experience the richness of Roosevelt's fertile mind. Some of the choices are widely known by Roosevelt devotees, such as "The Strenuous Life." That selection, perhaps more than any other, provides an insightful look into his nature. Yet, Hutner also includes an essay titled "The American Boy," which was written for young people, in which Roosevelt articulates the themes of hard work, self-discipline, and physical exercise that were so integral to the development of his own character. [End Page 162] To remind us that no one is perfect, Hutner includes some material that today's audiences might find disconcerting. Roosevelt's last public speech was to a group known as the Circle for Negro War Relief. Although, in many ways, he was progressive on civil rights issues, this speech is rather uncomfortably patronizing and paternalistic. By including these words, Hutner reminds us that we should not be guilty of reverse moral projection by judging Roosevelt based on present-day moral values rather than those of his era. The inclusion of a document such as this one presents a more complete picture of Theodore Roosevelt the man. Some may quibble about what has not been included. For instance, nothing from his autobiography is presented, although it is debatable whether that work was one of his more compelling literary efforts. The only account from his trip to the Amazon (which nearly led to his death) is a description of a rodeo he observed in Chile. The writings based on his personal experiences, however, are revealing and descriptive. In "Hunting the Grisly" he writes of being "lulled to sleep by the stream's splashing murmur, and the loud moaning of the wind along the naked cliffs" (186). Roosevelt was at his best when he was passionate about a subject. An ardent conservationist, he connects conservation and democracy by stating that national parks like Yellowstone preserve the nation's majestic beauty for everyone, not just...

AMERICAN WAR RELIEF, CULTURAL MOBILIZATION, AND THE MYTH OF IMPARTIAL HUMANITARIANISM, 1914–17

This paper reassesses American opinions and sentiments during the period of neutrality in light of the one endeavor that involved millions of Americans in the European conflict long before official U.S. belligerency: war relief. Tracing some of the “humanitarian narratives” employed in the relief campaigns for the Central Powers, the Allies, and neutral Belgium, humanitarian involvement, it will be argued, not only expressed prevalent ethnic, cultural, and political affinities, but shaped American attitudes toward the different belligerents. Contrary to contemporary claims, humanitarian pursuits were never even remotely impartial, but drew Americans onto the different sides of the war like few other endeavors. Indeed, relief work must be taken serious as a force of “cultural mobilization” (Horne), which affected American “visions of the war and its outcome.” By involving Americans actively on the different sides of the European war, it helped forge discrete moral and emotional alliances across the Atlantic. In trying to understand the complicated and acrimonious process by which Americans moved from peace to war, their relief work thus deserves attention.

Southern Relations: With Robert Lowell at Timrod’s Grave

Southern Relations: With Robert Lowell at Timrod’s Grave David Havird (bio) In April 1974 Robert Lowell read at the University of South Carolina. This wasn’t Lowell’s first visit to the state in April. In 1947, according to Paul Mariani, “At Easter . . . he was in Charleston, South Carolina, ‘admiring the old houses,’ and visiting Fort Sumter, ‘horrified by the flat, coastal desert that surrounds it.’” (Mariani, in Lost Puritan: A Life of Robert Lowell, quotes from the poet’s letter to his aunt Sarah Winslow.) It was, of course, the Rebel bombardment of Fort Sumter in April 1861 that started the Civil War, and it was the Union assault on Fort Wagner, on nearby Morris Island, in 1863, by a “bell-cheeked Negro infantry” led by Colonel Robert Gould Shaw (whose sister married a Lowell) that Lowell commemorates in “For the Union Dead.” If “St. Gaudens’ shaking Civil War relief,” the bronze monument depicting Colonel Shaw and the African American 54th Massachusetts Infantry, links Boston Common to Charleston Harbor, perhaps (or so Mariani implies) the “parking spaces,” which “luxuriate like . . . sand-piles in the heart of Boston” brought to Lowell’s mind the sandy spit where Fort Wagner stood and “half the regiment,” after the unsuccessful assault, lay dead—to be interred in a mass grave, a “ditch,” by the victorious Confederates. According to the historian Thomas J. Brown, at least some of the Confederate casualties repose in Charleston’s Magnolia Cemetery, the decoration of whose graves, among other Confederate veterans’ graves, in 1866 occasioned an “Ode” by Henry Timrod, the unofficial poet laureate of the Confederacy. Lowell’s visit to South Carolina in 1974 culminated in a pilgrimage to Timrod’s grave [End Page 578] in a churchyard in downtown Columbia across the street from the Capitol. If you want to picture Lowell as he looked while on that pilgrimage, find in Ian Hamilton’s 1982 biography of the poet the 1974 photo of Lowell with his almost shoulder-length, scraggly gray hair—he’s wearing a dark suit and a knit tie with horizontal stripes. You can’t see on his feet the Clarks sand suede wallabees, which amused my mother, who mistakenly recognized them as Hush Puppies. In her judgment these would have gone all right with the red chamois-cloth shirt and baggy brown cords that Lowell had on at James Dickey’s house the previous morning, but not with a suit, much less a dark blue suit. Then, however, he’d kept on his bedroom slippers—playing Auden, Maxine Dickey archly observed. Anyway, there Lowell is on the ground, knee up, hands on the weedy-looking grass, posing in front of his cousin Harriet Winslow’s headstone in Washington, DC. Lowell’s three-day visit to Columbia was sponsored by the university’s student union, and I (as the student who invited him) played host. I didn’t know it when we made that culminating pilgrimage, but thanks to Brown—his Civil War Canon: Sites of Confederate Memory in South Carolina (2015)—I now know, 40 years later, that “Timrod’s grave was an important symbolic site in the struggle over the postwar direction of the white South.” I’ve also learned from Brown that Lowell “had theatrically fallen to his knees before the landmark,” the granite boulder marking Timrod’s grave. I think, Why not? No doubt, as Kay Redfield Jamison asserts (in Robert Lowell: Setting the River on Fire), “New England was critical to how Lowell came to be.” All the same, Lowell’s Southern relations were extensive—a matter of blood as well as friendship and marriage. As familial connections deeply rooted in North Carolina may have inspired his diversion to Fort Sumter, perhaps his relationship with the Southern poets who were his mentors piqued an interest in Timrod. Without a doubt, my Southern heritage had predisposed me to take an interest in “sites of Confederate memory.” For me as a son of [End Page 579] the South and a 21-year-old aspiring poet, the pilgrimage to Timrod’s grave with my favorite poet—with Robert Lowell, this self-conscious Bostonian (whose maternal grandmother hailed from the...

To Aid the Fatherland. German-Americans, Transatlantic Relief Work and American Neutrality, 1914–17

This article explores German-American war relief for Germany during First World War, concentrating on the period of American neutrality, 1914–17. Based on financial ledgers, meeting protocols and the publications of ethnic organisations, it shows how German-American charity served as a force of mobilisation on behalf of the old fatherland after August 1914 even as American public sentiments turned increasingly hostile towards Germany. The article nuances common notions of American humanitarianism during the period of neutrality and broadens our understanding of how German-Americans (and by extension, ethnic groups more generally) tried to balance political loyalty to their ‘hostland’ with emotional attachment to their ‘homeland’.

Fighting over Children. Relief, Rehabilitation and Childhood in Lithuania, 1914–1923

The article provides an insight into the history of Lithuanian war relief and rehabilitation work between the fall of 1914 and 1923. The author reviews how both during wartime and in the early postwar period Lithuanian humanitarianism became an instrument of nation–building, in which national and international actors intertwined the relief work and the goal to create new citizens. Relief and rehabilitation activities came out to be very similar in their purpose.

Editors’ Introduction

Editors’ Introduction Kirsten Fermaglich, Adam Mendelsohn, and Daniel Soyer This issue of American Jewish History marks two anniversaries. The more momentous is the centenary of 1917, the fateful year in which revolutionaries overthrew the Tsar, the British government issued the Balfour Declaration endorsing a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine, and the United States entered World War I. All of these events contributed, directly and indirectly, to the transformation of the Jewish world in the twentieth century, and to remaking the place of American Jewry in that world. The second anniversary we mark in this issue is that of 1892, the year in which the American Jewish Historical Society was founded. That date, 125 years distant, was admittedly less transformative than the first, but still important for the development of our own field. Two articles in this issue explore the events of 1917. Gil Ribak takes a fresh look at the historic New York City mayoral campaign of Socialist Morris Hillquit. Ribak argues that Hillquit’s appeal, especially to immigrant Jews, came more from his anti-war platform than his Socialism. In coming to that conclusion, he explores the fears that the war aroused among immigrants, and debates among pro- and anti-war Socialists. Caitlin Carenen examines wartime tensions between American Zionists and the non-Zionist Jewish establishment. Analyzing debates over American Jewish war relief efforts, as well as over perceptions of American Jews’ patriotism, Carenen argues that Zionists’ heavy-handedness delayed a rapprochement between the two segments of American Jewry. This issue also includes a report by Rachel Lithgow, executive director of the American Jewish Historical Society, and Josh Perelman, chief curator of the National Museum of American Jewish History, on “1917: One Year that Changed the World,” a major exhibit mounted by the two institutions this year. Several features mark the American Jewish Historical Society’s anniversary by considering the development of American Jewish Studies from the mid-nineteenth century to the present day. Shari Rabin’s article shows that compiling statistics was a central concern and lasting contribution of nineteenth-century American Jewish leaders. Even as they used the data they gathered to establish a sense of order and unity in an increasingly fractured community, they also saw their work as a contribution to “a future history of American Israelites.” Looking at the American Jewish Historical Society itself, Jeffrey Gurock chronicles the long struggle to professionalize the field. And two pieces—Gur Alroey’s [End Page ix] contribution on American Jewish historiography in Israel (the first of a series of articles examining the state of our field), and a roundtable originating in a 2016 conference at the University of Potsdam—not only detail the difficulties of establishing the field internationally, but also demonstrate the usefulness of taking a transnational approach to the study of American Jewry. Collectively, these articles—and this issue—show how far our field has come in the century since Cyrus Adler laid out his vision of a non-parochial and serious scholarly approach to American Jewish studies. [End Page x] Copyright © 2017 American Jewish Historical Society

Connotation construction and implementation of " nursing health camp" management mode in military general hospitals

Military hospitals shoulder the safety of health and life at ordinary times, and perform vanguard and commando function in emergency. They also perform the function of rescuing the wounded, promoting the recovery in modern war relief, disaster relief, emergency relief and medical support. Building the nursing health camp - five-in-one position management model: military framework, professional construction, competitive training, standardized management, performance appraisal , embodies the management characteristics of military hospitals. Nursing health camp is an important innovative measure in military hospitals which innovate the traditional nursing management mode, improve the quality of nursing management, apply the nursing core technology and speed up the progress of clinical nursing research. Nursing health camp management mode is a nursing management mode for military hospitals, and meet the innovative in national policy, which embody the innovation in many aspects such as management framework, management connotation, operating mechanism and implementing steps. The concept of nursing management in this paper has the distinctive characteristics and is practicable; it embodies the advantages and characteristics of management in military general hospitals, enriches the connotation of nursing management in military hospitals, and provides guidance and references for the construction of hospitals and development of nursing. Key words: Hospital administration; Nursing health camp; Connotation construction; Management model innovation

For better or for worse: the long-term effects of postwar mobilization on family formation

ABSTRACTThis article estimates the long-term legacies of female labour force mobilization on women’s family formation outcomes such as marriage, age at first marriage and divorce. We identify the long-term marriage effects of female labour force mobilization by exploring postwar mandatory employment in Germany. Using difference-in-differences analysis, we find that participation in postwar reconstruction efforts increased women’s probability of being currently married, ever married and marrying at younger ages. We also find that postwar employment had no differential effect on divorce rates of the affected cohorts of women. These results persist after accounting for the potential changes in the composition of the population, demand for female labour, war relief payments and postwar state-specific policies.